Freedom of Expression For All Ethiopian Peoples , NOW !
ሐሳብን የመግለጽ ነጻነት ለሁሉም የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች ፣ አሁኑኑ !
Free all Ethiopian Jornalist and Political Prisoners, Stop the Persecution of Independent Press in Ethiopia,
We shall prevail! Freedom! Freedom! Freedom!
FREEDOM,
FREEDOM !!!
Ethiopia is praised for a booming economic growth over the last decade in consonance with the Africa rising mantra. Indeed, the Ethiopian economy registered consistently over 10% growth for over a decade. The structure of the economy is also changing from a predominantly agrarian economy. The service and industrial sectors are expanding fast. Other sectors such as education and health have also shown tremendous improvement albeit with their own shortcomings. Infrastructural developments in the water, power, road and rail sectors are becoming worthy examples for the rest of the developing world.
Further, Ethiopia has strong diplomatic ties with the east and west. Its positive contribution to peace and security in Africa and particularly in the eastern Africa Region is well recognized.
However, the level of poverty and bad governance in the country is still frightening despite reports of a small dent the economic growth has caused to the level of the large percentage of people living below the poverty line. These vices are feeding into each other making the country remain impoverished.
The recent events unfolding in Ethiopia are proving this point more than ever. Ethiopia is in the news this time around for the wrong reason: drought, hunger and violent conflicts.
In terms of drought, the number of people needing food aid and humanitarian assistance is increasing exponentially from time to time with close to 20 million citizens badly in need of help. Of these, over 6 million are children according to VOA report of 2 May 2016.
The drought is reported to be the worst of its kind in the last half century. To one’s consternation, the Government does not seem to know the extent of the drought; every month or two, we hear that the number of affected people and amount of request for humanitarian support has been revised upwards. Ethiopia seems not to have taken good lesson from the past similar droughts. It is business as usual for the Government in Addis, which leads Africa’s second most populous nation of close to 100 million.
Whitney McFerron and Frank Jomo of Bloomberg news wrote on 22 March 2016 that the Ethiopian Government “has appealed for $1.4 billion from international donors” in the form of humanitarian assistance. This is over 12% of the country’s annual budget for 2016. Taken by surprise, the Government exhausted its domestic food reserve immediately and started importing wheat and maize in a frantic manner. What is surprising is that this is happening immediately after Ethiopia declared itself food secure about three years ago. Even the dust from that declaration has not settled well.
Unfortunately, the drought and hunger occurred at a time immediately after the discourse on bad governance started heating. The extent of bad governance in the country has reached an uncontrollable level as often admitted by the Government. This becomes further complicated by the depth and breadth of abject poverty. This vicious connection between poverty, bad governance and lack of will to listen to the people led to several violent conflicts all over the country.
Bad governance is fueling questions of identity to be raised overtly or covertly. There is a wide protest in Oromia Region (including by elementary school pupils), the largest and most populous Region, with the pretext of an Addis Ababa Integrated Master Plan for developing the surrounding towns. It resulted in wanton deaths and destructions. The Plan, however, got withdrawn later. The Kimant people in Amhara Region are demanding for autonomy, which led to deadly confrontations with the security apparatus. There is a simmering grievance, since many years back, on issues of identity in the Southern Nations, Nationalities and People’s Region where more than about 45 minority ethnic groups are lumped together as one Region. The main ethnic groups in the Region like the Gurage and Sidama have been murmuring about this for decades. It is difficult o think this will not go the Kimants way. A clear evidence to this is the ongoing protest taking place in the north of the country particularly in and around Gondar resulting in several deaths including about a dozen police officers.
The situation in the country is worrying. In April, it is reported that over 200 Nuers were killed by militia groups (cattle-rustlers) from South Sudan in Gambella Region. To make things worse, these militia groups kidnapped over 100 children and took away over 2,000 heads of cattle. This is baffling to the Nuers and others in Ethiopia. It is also reported that subsequent to the Nuer attack, tribal clashes resulted in dozens of highlanders killed in Gambella. These are being taken, and rightly so, as weaknesses of the Government to provide basic security to citizens.
It appears, nonetheless, that the Government’s willingness to listen to public complaints is still at its lowest. While all of these discontents are raging, it attempted to introduce new penalty system for traffic offenders (taxi drivers) in Addis Ababa last February resulting in another frightening confrontation. When the protests got worse, the Government subdued and suspended implementation of the new regulations. Though this giving-in could be taken as a positive development, given the stubborn nature of the Government, it shows a lack of coordination and weakness to properly understand the situation in the country. This is bolstered by what happened in the aftermath of the Oromia protests: the Federal Government and the Regional Government were giving different explanations and solutions to the problem. There was manifest deficiency in coordination. These are just anecdotes of the troubles simmering in the country.
As an aspect of bad governance, corruption is making unscrupulous bureaucrats and businessmen millionaires from nothing. Flawed policies, including loose ethnic federal arrangement, are adding salt to the injury. These policies, though professed to be pro-poor, are advancing the interests of few cronies and party affiliates. As Jacey Fortin writes in The Africa Report of 9 March 2015 about “Addis Millionaires Club”, the number of dollar millionaires in Ethiopia is on the rise quickly while the the number of people getting poorer is also on the rise. This contradiction and disparity, caused by cronyism, nepotism and rent-seeking politicians and businesses is strangling the country impeding and frustrating free and fair competition.
The number of grand corruptions being exposed is shocking the public conscience, with a good case in point being that of the former minister in charge of national revenue and customs and his aides and staff in 2013. That fear is compounded by the fact that corruptions are only exposed when there is political fallout.
The state of bad governance in the country is exacerbated by the unfettered ethnic political formations that are operating under a Front, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). This loose ethnic political formation is making difficult for the center to pull together. The different parties forming the Front are kings unto their respective Regions and are pulling the country apart. This is making control of corruption and bad governance extremely difficult and is creating more conflict than it resolves. This is being taken advantage of by irredentist movements, terrorists and others who wish to either overthrow the Government or create havoc in the country. Bad governance is mainly responsible for the several conflicts manifested in recent months allover the country.
As noted above, all of these are exacerbated by the prevailing poverty and food insecurity problem. The dissatisfaction and disgruntlement is rising and people need to vent their anger. However, the Government is not positive to comments ad criticism. Those who wish to oppose have to choose to trade expressing their opinion with loss of their freedom and liberty guaranteed in the constitution. Although the country is party to several international human rights conventions and covenants, they are manifestly disregarded by the regime. This adds salt to injury as it exacerbates bad governance.
Human rights defenders have reported time and again that citizens are being persecuted for having a different opinion an stand to that of the Government. Obviously, not everyone can be expected to defend the Government line. This divisive thinking that “if you are not with us, you are against us” is a recipe for disaster. Criticisms and opposing voices need to be nurtured. The Constitution is very clear about fundamental human rights and freedoms including freedom of expression. Respecting it is not an option. It’s mandatory.
Thus, there is need for the country to embrace democracy to effectively fight poverty and bad governance. It’s usually professed by the regime that democracy is an existential issue for Ethiopia, but it is not practiced. The country has become practically a one-party state. In the last national election in May 2015, the ruling party won 100% of votes raising several questions: why do we have all these protests and conflicts in the country ranging from opposition to development projects to implementation of government policies to identity issues etc in a space for a few months? After a quarter-century in power, it is clear that the policies are not serving the country well. It’s time to walk the talk and introduce improvements, even if that means amending the Constitution. There is need to fundamentally rethink the process of democratization in Ethiopia.
If the Government does not become responsive to such critical issues, the little development witnessed over the last few years seems to be at risk. The situation is bleak. There is need for democratization, good governance, taming the ethnic agenda and dismantling corruption. With elementary school pupils taking part in protests and being killed in public by security forces, the writing is on the wall: “prevention is better than cure”.
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*Getahun S. Gesso is an international lawyer with specializations in international development laws and peace and security matters in Africa.
It is very promising to see that the people of Ethiopia finally coming to common sense of terms as to how to deal with a dictatorial regime which seems only listen to the people by losing rather than soothing. For the last 25 years, TPLF/EPRDF had been enjoying the disconnection of the people of Ethiopia by TPLF’s rhetoric of deception, false promissory note to the poor, and flip flopping to stay in power term after term in every election season.
It is a factual conclusion that TPLF/EPRDF comes to power after a long civil war, which the Ethiopian people get frustrated with fighting Eritrean rebel force (EPLF) in Eritrea, hopping that anyone who comes to power after the Military ruler will provide the Ethiopian people at least basic freedoms, rights and economic justice. For the last 25 years, the TPLF regime had been robbing tremendous resources from the Ethiopian people to impose its economic power, under the pretext of reconstruction which at times many Ethiopians did not dear to oppose, not because of the fact that the party (TPLF) has come to power by choice, rather by the fact that TPLF contributed a lion share in toppling Mengistu.
Many of the spectators who supported the regime in every means necessary to hold its feet to the ground had been also closely watching if the model of ethnic Federalism really works or fails. If it succeeds, to export the model to other countries for implementation, and if it fails to immediately control and minimize the negative outcome. The country had been literarily became a virtual lab of Ethnic federalism. Unfortunately, its success and practicality is not proven mainly because of the following major reasons:
The temptation of the TPLF to control regional states economic resources by limitless interference into affairs of regional governments make the Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia untested. Because most strategic decision for regional governments are made at the center by Federal government and not by regional governments, which clearly show no power sharing.
Absence of historical democratic political culture that motivates citizens to react aggressively to change undisciplined government in unisons.
Complications emerged in regional politics which makes outside political actors to look for dictators that can be used as a shield of fear politics, rather than standing firm in support of democracy, which of course the outcome is witnessed to be unintended consequence.
The failure of the opposition political parties, until recently, before the emergence of MEDRK, to choose meaningful leadership space to unify the Ethiopian people to act in unison and create alternative political force to challenge government, most political groups tag themselves with ethnic politics, the very survival political platform (model) introduced by the TPLF regime itself to prolong its survival and defuse public cohesion among citizens.
Signs of despair:
The TPLF regime is swallowed in cloud of fear, and biting every innocent citizen, in an attempt to foil public anger and frustration. It is trying to use every means possible to detract public attention from mounting pressure and anger to confront the regime, by sending its old political prostitutes in and out to test the move. Although so many things can be said about the regime that keeps the basic rights of 90 Million people hostage, the opposition camp and the people of Ethiopia need to look back onto its past and fix weaknesses, rather than wasting time on blaming the brutality of the regime, which could have been demolished long time ago had Ethiopians acted in unisons and common sense politics of inclusion. The regime lost sense of government as a responsible institution and acting like a child that cries without reasonable cause, poising itself like a gang losing a battle. Most wise leaders know best times moving out than moving in.
The regime is fueling violence in neighboring countries, and becoming a major make of State terror headquarter, to show its importance over other counties, which are playing meaningful peace keeping missions across Africa. This can be clearly evidenced by the current systemic and calculated ambush happened to the Kenyan battalion in Somalia, to systematically evict Kenyan solders from Somalia, and to manifest Ethiopian Army as the absolute alternative to the international donors to siphon international dollars for troops funding, and to divert attention of the international community from the current human rights abuses at home. The regime is the making and fuelling crisis, to keep itself in lucrative crisis business, and instigating unnecessary clashes to keep itself in business, rather than accomplishing its job as a responsible state institution, mandated working towards lasting peace. This same tactic is applied in South Sudan, where the rebel groups and the Government of south Sudan had been negotiating in the capital Addis Ababa, for over a month, which incurred close to a Million dollar hotel bill, which could have been a two years budget for the country.
Urgent Actions Neededand Opportunities:
It is evident that the TPLF government is involved in outrageous abuse of human right, and the act of atrocity is evidenced by international community, and media out lets. As a principle of pre-screening deployment for any solder/s, for any peace keeping mission, the United Nation (UN) body has the primary responsibility to ensure that any solder or solders that deployed for the peace keeping mission is free of such historical record of abuses. As evidenced by the current atrocity, and blatant unreserved human right abuse and violation of basic freedoms in its own county, and on its own citizens, no Nation should admit any such solders, which lacks proper basic training to respect human right to get deployed for such level of honorable mission, which needs the highest standard of discipline. Therefore, the United Nations, must take a though investigation into this matter, and send investigative team to Ethiopia, to explore genocide currently unfolding in the country. The unholy silence of International Community and its inaction to make meaningful reasonable remedial intervention to resolve a crisis of such large scale, while well informed, is below standard and manifestation of unprofessionalism, which draws reasonable suspicions on all Ethiopians, as to the impartiality, and integrity of the UN body that meant to act as a watch dog of basic freedoms.The worst failure of responsibility is to desperately attempt to use irresponsibles.
“Oromo Protests” in line with National Quest for freedom and basic rights of All Ethiopians:
Our Nation is witnessing a greatest move in defending basic freedoms and sizeable opportunities, recently and at the same time opportunity to work on the rest of the assignments overlooked to get things done together. There is no movement in our Nation’s history that symbolizes people’s quest for basic freedoms, and rights than the Oromo Protests, just simply because it is initiated by the very victim- The Oromo people itself, and other Nations and Nationalities in Ethiopia. This is the great opportunity for both stake holders- the Oromo people, who is demanding and in defense of their basic rights and freedoms on the one hand, and other citizens of Ethiopia, who need to maintain and build a much better union on the other hand. Active participation of all citizens in the process is not only the remedial action to change the current status quo, but also an opportunity to create a strong Ethiopia, and better future to change our political culture and create a better perfect union. No citizens spared of death, abuse and humiliation by the current Ethiopian regime and it must end by concerted effort of all Ethiopians. A change is good change if all finds themselves in the process and build reasonable confidence in the future. Therefore Ethiopians should and must act in unisons to put an end to injustice by common and concerted actions, and show utmost level of determination to put this call into actions.
Conclusion:
Our political leadership should not be gauged by how deep we dig the grave of history, rather how strong we build the future of our country. All the ethnic and non-ethnic political parties in the country should be and must be willing to work together by eliciting innovative leadership models, by coming together and engage in politics of compromise and act in unisons to demolish the long lasted era of robbery in our nation’s history, and should foil systemic distancing of regional parties from the central power, by miss characterizing their political agendas and limiting their demands to regional levels.
Opposition political groups have to form unifying political campaign coordination committee to pull the public opinion together, and act in the domain of public interest, to woo their electorates, manifest capable leadership, and show their alternative position, and rebuild public confidence. This action will be an excellent lesson for the ruling body not to use any preemptive actions on political parties regardless of their strength or weakness of the. Those political groups who are shying away from engaging themselves in centric politics, because of their past historical political stance should and need to turn the page, because the ruling party is trying to use the euphoria of these groups as an opportunity to miss characterize their intention and political obsolescence, and wants to show itself as the best alternative, by playing a game of fear politics. If we do all we do together, the Ethiopian people will shrink the power space of the TPLF/EPRDF in much faster speed than the regime anticipated. Let us be leaders who defeat the past and win the future.
TPLF leaders Debretsion Gebremichael and Abay Woldu
It is public knowledge that TPLF started its armed struggle in February 1975 with the sole intention of liberating and separating Tigray from Ethiopia. After EPLF pressured TPLF to abandon its objective of fighting for the separation of Tigray from Ethiopia and TPLF’s own understanding that only a radical change in Ethiopia can bring peace to Tigray, it put its original objective of the cessation of Tigray from Ethiopia to the back burner and started working for regime change in Ethiopia. However, in reality TPLF did not abandon the long preached dream of having an independent Tigray. In fact, for TPLF working for regime change in Ethiopia was considered as a good opportunity to prepare Tigray for an independent state. There are so many evidences that point to the latter argument. To mention some of them:
During the late 1980’s whenever TPLF controlled cities in Wollo, Gojam, Gondar and later in Showa, it continued to loot public facilities such as buses, generators, tractors and even school desks and chairs and transported them to Tigray. When TPLF controlled Addis Ababa in 1991 every Tigrian who was returning from Addis Ababa to Mekelle was asked to take a car and drop it in Mekelle. As a result, big stores that were used by charity organizations to store grain around Mekelle before 1991 were filled with looted cars, buses, generators and even hospital equipment’s and ambulances.
A big arm depot was prepared and all Armaments from all over Ethiopia was collected, transported and stored in a place called Endayesus, Mekelle.
Coffee was stolen from Southern Ethiopia and exported through Massawa. In fact, when the border war between Eritrea and Ethiopia started in 1998, EPLF was able to capture a looted coffee storage area around Zalambassa.
The strongest evidence that supports the claim that TPLF did not abandon its dream for an independent Tigrai was its interest for Tigray to have access to Sudan and the red sea. While incorporating Wolkaite into Tigray was done easily, having access to the red sea was set as a long term agenda. The surprising part of TPLF’s claim to Wolakite as part of Tigrai was the Tigrina name of the villages in Wollkaite. The truth is before 1991 Wolkaite had little or no contact with Tigrai. The connection was with Eritrea and the tigrina names came because many Eritreans use to travel and live in these areas. There was road connection between Wolkaite and Eritrea but not between wolkaite and Tigrai. Although telling the truth is not in TPLF’s culture, Mengesha Seyoum who was the administrator of Tigrai during the Haileslassie regime unambiguously told TPLF that Wolkaite has never been part of Tigrai. Yet the Twin Mentality TPLF considers such truth as an obstacle to its hidden agenda.
To facilitate the cessation of Tigrai from Ethiopia at a later date, TPLF insisted on including article 39 in the so called Ethiopian constitution.
Given the above evidences and incidents, the people of Gondar and for that matter the people of Ethiopia have strong reason not to trust TPLF. For them TPLF is an ethnocentric looting army with no regard to the people of Ethiopia. Superficially it preaches every state (killil) has a right to administer itself and take care of its affairs. Yet the people who are running or controlling these states are either local TPLF agents or Tigreans. Moreover, almost all federal ministries including the security, defense and foreign are controlled by trusted TPLF agents of Tigrean origin. After the expulsion of Eritreans from Ethiopia in 1998 all economic sectors are controlled by TPLF affiliated Tigreans. Hence at the center of the current turmoil in Ethiopia, whether it is in Oromia or Amhara, is TPLF’s Twin Competing Mentality. To be a government in Ethiopia and use Ethiopian resources to prepare Tigray for cessation. That includes the war with Eritrea.
After 25 years of repression, killing and humiliation of Ethiopians by TPLF goons the dangers of TPLF’s twin mentality is unraveling in Oromo, Amhara and other places in Ethiopia. There no question that the recent public uprising in Ethiopia will facilitate the down fall of the ethnocentric regime in Ethiopia. Hence it time for all Ethiopians to think beyond the horizon. What kind of Ethiopia do they want to see after the down fall of TPLF?
“The Provinces of Amhara are : Simen, Waldibba, Wolkait,Wogera,Chilga, Kuara, Belesa, Fogerra, Damot, Gojjam, Begemidir, Beshilo ….. Waldiba situated to the NW of Semein between the Tekeze and the Angereb, extends as far as the junction of the two rivers. Welkait is to the west Of Waldiba it is intersected through its whole length by the two river tekuar and guang. It is more wooded than waldiba..” (Routes in Abyssinia (printed in 1867 G.C) page 188)
“The territory of Tigre whose capital is Adwa, is bounded on the West by Shire, on the Southwest by Temben and Adet on the South by Geralta on the South –East by Haramat, on the East by Agame, and on the North by the rivers of Mereb and Belessa”
“The territory of Tigray whose capital is Adwa is bounded on the west by Shire, on the south west by Temben and Adet, on the south by Geralta, on the South East by Haramat, on the East by Agamae, and on the North by the Rivers Mereb and Belessa”
“Tigre is bounded by the territory of the Bahirenegash that is by the river Mereb on the East and Taccazze upon the west. It is about one hundred and twenty miles broad from E. to W. and two hundred from N. to S. “
ጀምስ ብሩስ በዚሁ መጽሓፉ Chapter 10 ላይ Geographical division of Abyssinia into province በሚለው አንቀጹ ላይ በይበልጥ ቁልጭ አድርጎ እንዲህ ያስቀምጠዋል
The first division is called Tigre, between Red Sea and the river Tekeze. Between that River (Tekeze) and the Nile Westwards where it bounds the Oromo, it is called Amhara.
ካለ በኋላ ወረድ ብሎ ይበልጥ ጉዳዩን ሲያስረዳ “Tekezze is the natural boundary between Tigre and Amhara”
«Tractatus tres historico-geographici (1634): A seventeenth century historical and geographical account of Tigray, Ethiopia (Aethiopistische Forschungen) 1634» መጽሀፍ የመጀመሪያ ምዕራፍ ስለ ትግራይ ግዛት እንዲህ ይላል::
“Among all the kingdoms that the Emperor of Ethiopia possesses today one of the greatest if not the greatest and the most important is the kingdom Tigre. From north to south, that is from the limits of the Hamasen to Enderta, it covers an areas of from ninety to one hundred leagues (3.2 miles); and from the east, which is besides Dancali, located at the entrance to the Red sea to the southern end of the Red Sea, to the west bounded by the Tekezze River beside the Semen, it covers an area of similar size, so that the Kingdom has a nearly circular shape.”
ዮሓንስ መኮንን Ethiopia: the land, its people , History and Culture በሚለው መጽሓፉ Page 351 በአጼ ዘርዓ ያ ዕቆብ ዘመነ መንግስት የነበረውንና በመጽሓፍ አክሱም የተተነተውን የትግራይን ካርታ እንዲህ ያቀርበዋል
“The Book of Axum.. Shows a traditional schematic map of Tigray with its city Axum at its center surrounded by the thirteen principal provinces: Tembein, Shire, Seraye, Hamasen, Bur, Sama, Agame, Amba Senait, Geralta, enderta, Sahart and Abergele”
በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታም The World through Maps: A History of Cartography (ገጽ 352 ይመልከቱ)፡፡ በJohn R. Short የተጻፈው የዓለም ጂኦግራፊን የሚተርከው መጽሓፍ በ15ኛው ክፍለዘመን የነበሩ የትግራይ ግዛቶች ከላይ የተጠቀሱት መሆናቸውን መጽሓፈ አክሱምን በመጥቀስ ያስረዳል:: ይህም መጽሓፍ በተመሳሳይ መልኩ የሚነግረን፣ ወልቃይትና ጠገዴ በፍጹም የትግራይ አካል አንዳልነበሩ ነው::
“the area concerned (welkait -Tsegede) separated from Tigray by impressive natural barrier of Setit Tekezze river has never been governed as part of Tigray at any period in the past, but has come under Gonder and Semein.” (Christopher Clapham: Transformation and continuity in revolutionary Ethiopia (Cambridge: Cambridge university press 1988 pp 259)
ማስረጃ : መጽሓፈ አክሱም , Ethiopia: the Land, Its People, History and Culture By Yohannes Mekonnen. The World through Maps: A History of Cartography (ገጽ 352 ይመልከቱ) By John R. Short
2. 1634 ዓ.ም የተጻፈው የ እማኑኤል በሬዳ መጽሓፍ Tractatus tres historico-geographici (1634): A seventeenth century historical and geographical account of Tigray, Ethiopia (Aethiopistische Forschungen) 1634» እንደሚያስረዳው የትግራይ ወሰን ተከዜ እንጂ ተከዜን ተሻግረው ያሉት ወልቃይትና ጠገዴ አይደሉም
3. በዘመነ መሳፍንት ኢትዮጵያን ጎብኝቶ የነበረው የጀምስ ብሩስ መጽሓፍም በግልጽ የሚናገረው የትግራይ ወሰን ተከዜ እንጂተከዜን ተሻግረው ያሉት ወልቃይትና ጠገዴ አይደሉም፡፡ Travel to discover source of the Nile Volume 3 page 582
“the area concerned ( welkait -Tsegede) separated from Tigray by impressive natural barrier of Setit Tekezze river has never been governed as part of Tigray at any period in the past, but has come under Gonder and Semein.
5. Tractatus tres historico-geographici (1634): A seventeenth century historical and geographical account of Tigray, Ethiopia (Aethiopistische Forschungen) 1634