የአንድነት ፓርቲ አባላት ከአጉራ-ዘለል የወያኔ ካድሬዎች ጋር ግብግብ ይዘዋል

August 3, 2013

 

አንድነት ፓርቲ እሁድ ሐምሌ 28፣ 2005 “የሚሊዮኖች ድምፅ ለነፃነት” በሚል መሪ መፈክር ስር በተለያዩ የክልል ከተሞች የሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ለማድረግ አባላቱ ቅስቀሳ በማድረግ ላይ ናቸው። ይሁንና ከወያኔ አጉራ-ዘለል ካድሬዎችና ታጣቂዎች እየደረሰባቸው ያለው ወከባ ተባብሶ ቀጥሏል። ነብዩ ሀይሉ እና ሌሎችም በፌስ-ቡክ ገጾቻቸው ሁኔታውን እንደሚከተለው ይገልጹታል፣

በባህርዳር የአድነት ፓርቲ አባላት በቅስቀሳ ላይ። ፎቶ Bisrat Woldemichael

 

በወላይታ የተሸጠ ጀነሬተር እንዲመለስ ተደረገ

በወላይታ ሶዶ ዙሪያ ወረዳ አዳራሽ(አዳራሹ ከ200 ሰው በላይ የመያዝ አቅም የለውም) አንድነት ለዴሞክራሲና ለፍትህ ፓርቲ ለሚያከናውነው ስብሰባ ህዝቡን ለመቀስቀስ ሞንታርቦና ጀነሬተር የሚያከራይ ነጋዴ በመጥፋቱ(በከተማው ጀነሬተር በማከራየት ህይወታቸውን የሚገፉ ነጋዴዎች በብዛት የሚገኙ ቢሆንም ካድሬዎች ቀጠን ያለ ትዕዛዝ በማስተላለፋቸው መከራየት አልተቻለም)የጄነሬተር መጥፋት ያሳሰባት ወ/ሮ ጸሀይ ወ/ጊዮርጊስ አነስተኛ ጀነሬተር በ2300ብር ትገዛለች፡፡
ሻጩ ጀነሬተሩን በህጋዊ መንገድ ከሸጠና መኪናው ላይ እንዲጫን ከተደረገ በኋላ ግለሰቡ እንባውን እያዝረከረከ የተከፈለውን ገንዘብ በመያዝ ጀነሬተሬን መልሱልኝ በስህተት ነው የሸጥኩላችሁ››ይላል ፡፡ነጋዴው ለምን እንደዚህ እንደህጻን እያለቀሰ መልሱልኝ ማለቱን የተረዱ የፓርቲው አባሎችም ጀነሬቱን መልሰውለታል፡፡
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መቀሌ፣ የአንድነት አመራሮች ከነ መቀስቀሻ ሞንታረቮአቸው በቀዳማይ ወያኔ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ ታሰሩ

የአንድነት ፓርቲ አመራር የሆኑት አቶ አርአያ፣ የአንድነት ፓርቲ ከፍተኛ አመራር የሆኑት አቶ እንግዳ ወ/ፃዲቅ እና የአንድነት ፓርቲ የትግራይ ዞን ፀሀፊ አቶ ክብሮም ብርሀነ በመቀሌ ከነ መቀስቀሺያ ሞንታረቮአቸው ቀዳማይ ወያነ ክፍለከተማ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ ታስሩ፡፡ አቶ እንግዳ ወ/ፃዲቅ እና አቶ ክብሮም ብርሀነ ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ እንደታሰሩ ልብ በሉ!!! የመቀሌ ነዋሪዎች አመራሮቹን ለማስፈታት ከፖሊስ ጋር እየተከራከሩ ነው፡፡‪
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ባህርዳር፣ አንድነት ፓርቲ በባህር ዳር ነገ ሐምሌ 28 ለሚደረገው ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ የተጠናከረ ቅስቀሳ እየተደረገ ነው

የባህር ዳር እና የአካባቢዋ ነዋሪዎችም በተቃውሞው ሰልፉ ላይ በንቃት ለመሳተፍ መዘጋጀታቸውን ለፍኖተ ነፃነት ዘጋቢዎች ተናግረዋል፡፡
ኢህአዴግም የባህር ዳር ህዝብ ባሳየው ንቁ ተሳትፎ በመደናገጡ በተለያዩ ቤተ ክርስትያኖች ቅዳሴ ዘግይቶ እንዲጀምር ትዕዛዝ አስተላልፏል፡፡ ቀበሌዎችም የተለያዩ ስብሰባዎችን አስጠርቷል፡፡ ባህር ዳሮችም ነገ ሰላማዊ ሰልፉን ለማድመቅ የተለያዩ መፈክሮችን በየቤታቸው በማዘጋጀት ላይ ናቸው፡፡
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አርባምንጭ፣ በአንድነት ፓርቲ በሁለት መኪናዎች አርባምንጭን በቅስቀሳ አድምቋታል፡

በራሪ ወረቀቶች እየተበተኑ ነው ፖስተሮችም በብዛት እየተለጠፉ ነው፡፡ የኢህአዴግ ካድሬዎች “ሰልፉ ላይ እንዳትወጡ” የሚል ቅስቀሳ ቢያደርጉም የአርባምንጭ ነዋሪዎች በሰልፍ ላይ ለመገኘት መወሰናቸውን እየተናገሩ ነው፡፡
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ጅንካ፣ ከትናንት ጀምሮ ከፍተኛ ቅስቀሳ እየተደረገ ነው

ከአጎራባች አካባቢዎች በሰልፉ ላይ የሚሳተፉ ዜጎች ወደ ጅንካ እየገቡ ነው፡፡ ከትላንት ጀምሮ ፖስተሮች እንዳይቀደዱ የአካባቢው ህዝብ እየጠበቀ ነው፡፡ በኢህአዴግ ካድሬዎች በ 1 ለ 5 መዋቅር ሰልፍ አትውጡ በሚል የጀመረው ቅስቀሳ ከሽፏል፡፡

ጋዜጠኛ ወይስ ካድሬ? (ከኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ)

August 2, 2013

 

የሪፖርተር ጋዜጠኛ የማነ ናግሽ በጋዜጠኛ ተመስገን ደሳለኝ ዙሪያ ያቀናበረውን የተንኮል ወጥመድ ተመርኩዤ በሰጠሁት ምላሽ ዙሪያ የማነ አስገራሚና ከርእሰ ጉዳዩ ጋር የማይገናኝ “መልስ” ለመስጠት ሞክሯል። ካድሬ ሆኖ የቀረበው የሪፖርተሩ የማነ ምላሹን ሲጀምር በኢትኦጵ ጋዜጣ በኢየሩሳሌም…ይቀርብ የነበረውን ዘገባና የፃሓፊውን ማንነት ከጠቀሰ በኋላ « በ2005 እ.ኤ.አ ችግር ውስጥ ሊከቱን ከነበሩ…» ይላል። መለስ ዜናዊ የሚመሩት ፓርቲ 18 ጋዜጠኞችን እስር ቤት በመወርወር፣ ከጋዜጣ ዝግጅት ክፍሎቹ ንብረትና ገንዘብ በሃይል በመዝረፍና ሁሉንም ነፃ ፕሬሶች በሃይል በመዝጋት የወሰዱትን እርምጃ ነው…የማነ «ችግር ውስጥ ሊከቱን..» ሲል የመለስ/በረከትን የፈጠራ ክስ ..እርሱም ቃል በቃል የደገመው።

በተጨማሪ በነፃው ፕሬስ ጋዜጠኞች ላይ በጅምላ የተወሰደውን እርምጃ አለቃው አማረ አረጋዊ በጋዜጣው በወቅቱ ደጋግሞ በርእሰ አንቀፅ በ<አቋም> ደረጃ የፃፈውን « አርፋችሁ ተቀመጡ ያልነው ይህ እንዳይመጣ ነበር..» እያለ የቸከቸከውን እንድናስታውስ አድርጎናል። ከዚህ አልፎ የቅንጅት መሪዎች ላይ በማላገጥ ለገዢው ፓርቲ ግልፅ የሆነ ድጋፍ እንዳለው ያረጋገጠበትን አንዘነጋውም።

 “ኢህአዴግ በምርጫ መሸነፉን በዘገበና “ የሽግግር መንግስት ይቋቋም” ብሎ በፃፈ ማግስት ነበር፥ ተግልብጦ የጋዜጠኞችን፣ የተቃዋሚ አመራሮችን መታሰር በመደገፍ በየጎዳናው የተረፈረፉ ንፁሃን ዜጎች ደም ላይ ሲያላግጥ የታየው። እንዲያውም « እነኢንጂነር ሃይሉ ሻውል በቃሊቲ እስር ቤት መንግስት መሰረቱ» ሲል ለመሳለቅና በህዝቡ ቁስል ለማላገጥ ሞክሯል።

ዛሬም እነ የማነ ናግሽ የህዝብን ያልሻረ ቁስል እየቆሰቆሱና የተወሰደውን እርምጃ እያቆለጳጰሱ እግረ መንገዳቸውን የገዢው ፓርቲ ደጋፊነታቸውን በአደባባይ ሊነግሩን ይዳዳቸዋል። አንድ ነገር ማወቅ ያለብህ አንተ የምትሰራበት ጋዜጣ 10ሺህ የማይሞላ ኮፒ ሲያሳትም እነኢትኦጵ፣ ነፃነት፣ ምኒሊክ፣ አስኳል…የመሳሰሉት ጋዜጦች እስከ 160 ሺህ ኮፒ በማሳተም በህዝቡ ከፍተኛ ተቀባይነት ነበራቸው። ይህ እውነተኛ ታሪክ ነው!! ሪፖርተር ብቻውን ቀርቶም 10ሺህ ኮፒ መድረስ አልቻለም።

ሽመልስና አለቃው ይህንኑ ጠቅሰው አማረን ፊት ለፊት አብጠልጥለውታል። « ፍትህ » ጋዜጣ እስከ 40ሺህ ኮፒ ያሳትም የነበረው ከናንተ ኋላ መጥቶ ነው። ህዝብ ሁሉንም ስለሚያውቅ መርጦ ያነባል። በህብረተሰቡ ተቀባይነት የማጣቱ ምስጢር “ የምታራምዱት ፅንፈኛ አቋም ወይም ወገንተኛነታችሁ” ነው። በዚህ ያላበቃውና ራሱን “ ፕሮፌሽናል ጋዜጠኛ ነኝ” ሲል የገለፀው የማነ ናግሽ፥ “በሪፖርተር ጋዜጣ ላይ ስለሙስሊሙ ማህበረሰብ የመብትና የነፃነት ጥያቄ ዘገባ እንደሚቀርብ፤ ከፈለገም የጋዜጣው ድረገፅ ላይ በመግባት መመልከት እንደሚቻል” ያለሃፍረት ሊገልፅ ሞክሯል። በእርግጥ የበረከት ልሳኖች ኢ.ት.ቪና ራዲዮ እንደሚያቀርቡት « በሽብርተኛነት የተከሰሰው እስክንድር ነጋ ማስረጃና ምስክር ቀረበበት..ተፈረደበት» ዜናዎች በሪፖርተር ጋዜጣ ሲወጡ እንደነበር አይካድም።

ይህንን ነው « ዘግበናል» የምትለው?..ይህንን ድራማ የመንግስት ሚዲያዎቹ ቀርቶ ካንጋሮው ፍ/ቤት አስቀድሞ ተፅፎ የተሰጠውና ያሳለፈው ፍርደ ገምድል ውሳኔ፣ ከመነሻው የበረከት « ድርሰት» ለመሆኑ « አኬልዳማና ጀሃዳዊ ሃረካት» በቂ ማስረጃ ናቸው። አንተም አለቃህም እውነቱን ሸፍናችሁ የገዢውን ፓርቲ ድርሰት ስለደገማችሁ ይሆን? .. በእስክንድርና በሌሎቹም ንፁሃን ዙሪያ « ዘገባ ሰራን፣ ዜና ለጠፍን..» እያልክ የምትቀባጥረው?…በጣም የሚያሳፍረው የሙስሊሙን ጥያቄና ሰላማዊ ተቃውሞ በተመለከተ « በየጊዜው ዘግበናል» ብለህ ያለአንዳች ህፍረት ልትናገር መሞከርህ ነው። እውነታውን ታዛቢው ወገን ይፍረድ! ?..ይልቅ ሰላማዊ የሆነ የሃይማኖት ነፃነት ጥያቄን በማንሳታቸው በድሬዳዋ በፖሊሶች የተወሰደውን እርምጃ እንዴት እንደዘገባችሁት ላስታውስህ?..« በድሬዳዋ በተፈጠረው ግጭት አንድ የዘጠኝ አመት ታዳጊ ከመሞቱ በቀር የከፋ ጉዳት አልደረሰም» ብላችሁ በጋዜጣው ፃፋችሁ። እንዲህ አይነት ዜና “ዘገባ” ይሰራል?…”የከፋ ጉዳት ደረሰ” የሚባለው ስንት ታዳጊዎች ሲገደሉ ይሆን?..ይህን ልትነግሩን ትችላላችሁ?..ደግሞም ስለሙስሊሙ ፍትሃዊ ጥያቄ አንድም መስመር እንዳልፃፋችሁ አስረግጬ ልነግርህ እወዳለሁ!! ቀጠልክና፥ « ሕገ መንግስቱን እናከብራለን፣ አንተና መሰሎችህ ምን እንድንፅፍ እንደምትፈልጉ እናውቃለን..» ስትል አስገራሚና የተደበቀ የሚመስለው ማንነትህን ግልፅ አውጥተሃል።

የሙስሊሙ ማህበረሰብ ጥያቄም ፥ “በህገመንግስቱ የተቀመጠው የሃይማኖት ነፃነት ይከበር፤ መንግስት በሃማኖት ጣልቃ መግባቱን ያቁም፤ የሃይማኖት መሪዎቻችንን የመምረጥ መብት ይረጋገጥልን፤” የሚሉ ናቸው። በአንፃሩ ከተለያዩ የህብረተሰብ ክፍሎችና ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ደጋግመው የሚቀርቡት ጥያቄዎች ገዢው ፓርቲ ራሱ ላወጣው ሕገመንግስት ተገዢ እንዲሆንና የዜጎች መብትና ነፃነት ይከበር የሚል ነው። ሃቁ ይህ ሆኖ ሳለ « ህገመንግስቱን እናከብራለን» በማለት መግለፅህ ሌላውን በህገወጥነት ለመወንጀል በማሰብ ይሆን?..ይህቺ ገለፃህ የነበረከትን የሰለቸ የማስፈራሪያና ሌላውን የመወንጀያ ዲስኩር ቃል በቃል የደገመች ናት። አያያዝክና፥ « አንተና መሰሎችህ የምትፈልጉት..» ብለሃል፤ “ምንድነው የምንፈልገው?.” ግልፅ ብታደርገው ጥሩ ነበር። ነገር ግን ምን ለማለት እንደፈለክ ከግምት በላይ መናገር ይቻላል፤ ይኸውም « ስለሕወሐት ምንም አንፅፍም፤ ስለነአዜብና ተከታዮቻቸው ዘረፋ አናጋልጥም፣ የምንፅፈው አማረ ስለሚጠላውና አጥብቆ ስለሚቃወመው በረከት ስሞኦን፣ ስለአላሙዲና አብነት..ብቻ ነው የምንፅፈው» ለማለት እንደፈለክ አያከራክርም። የሚያሳዝነው « ፕሮፌሽናል ጋዜጠኛ ነኝ » ባልክበት ብእር መልሰህ ጋዜጠኞችን በጅምላ ለመፈረጅና እንደገዢው ፓርቲ የተለመደ የፈጠራ < ታፔላ> ለመስጠት መሞከርህ ነው። በጣም አሳፋሪ ነው!! ባጭሩ “ ሚናህን ለይተህ” አደባባይ መውጣትህ የበለጠ የአንተና የአለቃህ « አቋም» እንዲታወቅ ማድረግህን ልገልፅልህ እሻለሁ።

Tensions high between the Borena Community and Gov’t

The efforts of the government including Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalgn to resolve its conflict with the Borena elders have been unsuccessful. The problem started after the government began to resettle Geri Communities of the Somali region and the residents of Borena Zone, South Ethiopia, have refused to cooperate with the government on any matter including the resettlement program.

Just before the recent conflict of the two communities that took the lives of over 50 people from both communities, the Administrator of the Zone Kanu Jilo had told the residents of the Zone that the government had planned to resettle the Geri in Boerna Zone. The government went on with plan and made some administrative changes in the Zone by replacing officials of the Zone with new officials that came from the Oromia region.  As the Bornea community refused to accept the new appointments, the government stalled its resettlement plan and in the mean time, the two communities have mediated and resolved their differences by themselves. The government that did not seem to be pleased with what has happened, arrested over 18 top officials of the Zone including the Zonal Administrator and Police Head for “inciting clan conflicts”.

In the middle of the openings and disagreements, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) got the opportunity to come back in the Zone and carry out attacks. The Zone has been wrecked with conflicts.

Last Friday, the Aba Geda of the Borena Community, Guya Geba and 10 other elders met with different officials of the government in Addis Abeba including the Prime Minister. They urged the government that the detained officials should be released first for proper negotiations to kick off. The government began to soften its position.

The government last week promised the elders that it will first release the main officials of the Zone and the rest will be released within 14 days once the Court process is completed.  The Borena communities refused to accept the government’s new conditions and urged that they all be released together. The elders have held another discussion with the Justice Minister. The outcomes of the discussion are not yet known.

ESAT’s efforts to speak with the officials of the Zone were unsuccessful.

ኬኒያዊው ጠበቃ ስለየሱስ የሞት ፍርድ ሔግ ክስ ከፈተ!

ጲላጦስን ሔሮድስን ጣልያንና የእስራኤል መንግሥታትን ከስሷል

 

August 2, 2013 03:55

                   

የየሱስ ክርስቶስ ክስ፣ ፍርድና ሞት ተገቢው የሕግ አሠራር የተከተለ አይደለም፤ ጉዳዩም እንደገና መታየት አለበት በማለት ኬኒያዊው ጠበቃ ዶላ ኢንዲዲስ ሔግ ለሚገኘው ዓለምአቀፉ ፍርድቤት ክስ ማሰማቱን ጀሩሳሌም ፖስት ኬኒያ የሚታተመውን ናይሮቢያን ጋዜጣን ጠቅሶ ዘግቧል፡፡

 

የቀድሞ የኬኒያ ፍርድቤት አፈቀላጤ የነበረው ይኸው ጠበቃ በወቅቱ የሮም ቄሣር የነበረውን ጢባሪዮስ ቄሣር፣ ጲላጦስን፣ የአይሁድ መሪዎችን፣ ንጉሥ ሔሮድስን፣ የአሁኑን የጣልያንና የእስራኤል መንግሥታትን ከስሷል፡፡

 

“ማስረጃው በመጽሐፍቅዱስ ላይ ይገኛል፤ ይህንን ደግሞ ማንም ሊክድ አይችልም” የሚለው ጠበቃ የሱስ በወቅቱ ተገቢውን ፍርድ እንዳላገኘ ጉዳዩም በትክክል በፍርድ ሒደት ውስጥ እንዳላላፈ ጠቁሟል፡፡ ጉዳዩ ሁለት ሺህ ዓመታት ያስቆጠረ ቢሆንም አሁን ያሉት የጣሊያንና የእስራኤል መንግሥታት በዚያን ጊዜ (በስቅለት) የነበረውን የሮም ህግጋትን አሁንም በሕጋቸው ውስጥ በተግባር እየተረጎሙ ስለሆነ ተጠያቂ ናቸው ብሏል፡፡

 

ክሱን የማቀርበው የየሱስ ወዳጅ (ጓደኛ) በመሆን ነው ያለው ጠበቃ አስቀድሞ ለኬኒያ ከፍተኛ ፍርድቤት ተመሳሳይ ክስ አቅርቦ ውድቅ በመደረጉ ጉዳዩን ወደ ለዓለምአቀፉ ፍ/ቤት መውሰዱ ተጠቁሟል፡፡

 

በወቅቱ ተገቢው ምርመራና የፍርድ አሠራር እንዳልተፈጸመ የተናገረው ጠበቃ በቦታው የነበረ “ተፍተውበታል፣ በበትርና በጡጫና በጥፊ መትተውታል፣ አሠቃይተውታል በመጨረሻም ላይ ሞት እንደሚገባው ፈርደውበታል” የሚለው ጠበቃ ኢንዲዲስ የሱስ እንዲናገር እንኳን ዕድል እንዳልተሰጠው ተናግሯል፡፡

 

ስለ ጉዳዩ እንደሚያውቁ የተጠየቁ አንድ የዓለምአቀፉ ፍ/ቤት ኃላፊ ሲመልሱ “ፍርድቤቱ ይህንን ክስ የማየት ሥልጣን የለውም፤ ፍ/ቤቱ የሚመለከተው በመንግሥታት መካከል የሚከሰት ክርክርና ክስ ነው፤ ይህንን ክስ ለመመልከት በጽንሰሃሳብ ደረጃ እንኳን የማይቻል ነው” በማለት መልስ ሰጥተዋል፡፡

 

ጠበቃ ኢንዲዲስ ግን ተገቢና ትክክለኛ ክስ እንዳቀረበ በእርሱ የሕይወት ዘመንም ፍትህ ተፈጽሞ ለማየት እንደሚበቃ ያለውን ተስፋ ተናግሯል፡፡

 

በጌትሰማኒ የመጨረሻውን ጸሎት ኢየሱስ ካደረገ በኋላ የሮም ወታደሮችና የካህናት አለቆች መጥተው በያዙት ጊዜ በሁኔታው ህገወጥነት የተናደደው አንደኛው ደቀመዝሙር (ጴጥሮስ) በሰይፉ የአንዱን አገልጋይ ጆሮ ቆርጦ ነበር፡፡ የጴጥሮስን ድርጊት የተቃወመው የሱስ ሲመልስ አስፈላጊ ከሆነ “12 ሌጊዮን (ከ60ሺህ – 90ሺህ) መላዕክት” በቅጽበት በማዘዝ ራሱን መከላከል ይችል እንደነበር መናገሩን መጽሐፍ ቅዱስ በግልጽ ይናገራል፡፡ (ማቲዎስ፡26፤53)

የወያኔ “የድህነት ቅነሳ ፓሊሲ” ለድሀው – “ላም አለኝ በሰማይ …”

ከወያኔ አሰልቺ ዲስኩሮች አንዱ “ልማት” በተለይም “ድህነት ቅነሳ” ነው። ወያኔ ስለ ፈጣን ልማትና ስለ ድህነት ቅነሳ ሲነገረን እነሆ ሁለት አስርታት አለፉ!!!

እርግጥ ነው ወያኔ የራሱን አባላት ድህነት ቀንሷል። የሌላው ኢትዮጵያዊ ድሀ ድህነት ግን እየጨመረ ነው። ያም ሆኖ ግን ወያኔ የራሱ ሹማምንት ከሕዝብ በዘረፉት ገንዘብ የገነቧቸውን ፎቆች እያሳየን “እነሆ ልማታችሁ” እያለ ይሳለቅብናል። በውሸቱ የተሞሉ የምርት መጠንና ምርታማነት መስፈርቶችን እያስነበበን እየራበን “ጠገብን”፤ እየታርዝን “ለበስን” እንድንል ያደርገናል። “ኮንዶሚኒየም አድላለሁ” እያለ እያጓጓን ያችኑ ትንሿ ጥሪታችንን ይነጥቀናል።

ወያኔ በልማት ስም ምን ያላደረገን ነገር አለ? ትምህርት ሳይኖር ዲግሪ እያሸከመ ቀልዶብን ዲግሪ ይዘን ለኮብልስቶን ማንጠፍ ሥራ ተወዳድረናል። ህክምና ሳይኖር በክሊኒኮች መብዛት ተደስታችሁ ጨፍሩ ብሎናል። በጨለማ ውስጥ ተቀምጠን ስለግድቦች መብዛትና ስለ መብራት ኃይል ምርት መትረፍረፍ መስክሩ ይለናል።

ስንቶቻችን ነን የዕለት ተዕለት ኑሮዓችን እና የወያኔ የልማት ዲስኩሮች አልጣጣም እያሉን የተቸገርነው? ፈረንጆችም እነዚያኑ የወያኔ ቁጥሮችን መልሰው ሲነግሩን ስንቶቻችን ነው ከቁጥሮች ጋር የተጣላነው? የወያኔ ልማት፤ የወያኔ ድህነት ቅነሳ ፓሊሲ “ላም አለኝ በሰማይ፤ ወተትዋን እማላይ” የሆነብን ስንቶቻችን ነን?

ወያኔ ሰጠኋቸው በሚለው ሳይሆን እኛ በበላነውና በለበስነው፣ ባገኘው የትምህርትና የጤና አገልግሎቶች ኑሮዓችን ቢለካ ደረጃችን የት ይሆናል? በሚነገረን ሳይሆን በምንኖረው መጠን ትዳራችን ቢለካ ደረጃችን የት ነው?

ከድህነት መለኪያዎች ሁሉ የተሻለና የተሟላ ነው የሚባለው በእንግሊዝኛ Multidimensional Poverty Index የሚባለው ዘርፈ ብዙ የድህነት መለኪያ ነው። ይህን መለኪያ ሰዎች በእርግጥ ባገኙትና በተጠቀሙት ምርትና አገልግሎት መጠን ይነሳል። ሌሎች የድህነት መለኪያዎች መንግሥት አመረትኩ ወይም ሰጠሁ በሚለው ቁጥር ነው የሚነሱት። ውሸት በማይበዛባቸው አገራት በዚህም ተለካ በዚያ እጅግም ለውጥ የለውም። እኛጋ ግን ልዩነቱ የትየለሌ ነው።

ወያኔ የሚወዳቸው መለኪያዎች መካከለኛ ገቢ ካላቸው አገራት ተርታ ልንገባ መቃረባችንን ይነግሩናል። እነሱ መሠረት ያደረጉት ወያኔ አመረትኩ፣ ሰጠሁ የሚለውን ነው። ኑሮዓችን እኛ የተቀበልነው መሠረት በሚያደርገው ዘርፈ ብዙ የድህነት መለኪያ ሲለካ ግን ውጤቱ ፈጽሞ ሌላ ነው።

የ2013 የአውሮፓውያን ዓመት የዓለም ዘርፈ ብዙ የድህነት መለኪያ ስታትስቲክስ ባለፈው ሣምንት ይፋ ተደርጓል። ዘገባው እንደሚያሳየው የዓለማችን የመጨረሻዎቹ አስር ድሀ አገሮች በሙሉ አፍሪቃ ውስጥ ነው ያሉት። ከእነዚህ የመጨረሻ አስር ድሀ አገሮች አንዷ ኢትዮጵያ አገራችን ናት።

አሳዛኙ ዜና ይህ ብቻ አይደለም።

ከአስሩ የመጨረሻ ድሀ አገሮች የመጨረሻዋ ኒጀር ስትሆን ከዚያ ቀጥላ የምትመጣው ኢትዮጵያ ነች። በሌላ አነጋገር ኢትዮጵያ ከዓለም ሁለተኛ የመጨረሻ ድሀ አገር ናት። በድህነት ለኢትዮጵያ የባሰች አገር ኒጀር ብቻ ነች። ጅቡቲ እና ደቡብ ሱዳን ብቻ ሳይሆን ሶማሊያ እንኳ ከእኛ በተሻለ ሁኔታ ላይ ነው ያለችው።

ይህ ምንን ይነግረናል?

በወያኔ ቴሌቪዥን የሚቀርብልን ማዕድ ምግብ አይሆነንም። ጆሮዓችን እስኪደነቁር “ልማት፤ ልማት” እየተባለ ስለተጮኸብን ማጀታችን አይሞላም። መራብና መታረዛችን ሳያንስ “ጠግባችኋል” እየተባለ የሚቀለድን መሆኑ በእጅጉ ያሳዝናል። እኛ እየተራብንና እየታረዝን ባዕዳን ቱጃሮች በመሬታችን ላይ በሀብት ላይ ሀብት የሚጨምሩ መሆኑ ያስከፋናል። እኛ በጨለማ ተውጠን የመብራት ኃይል የሚሸጥ መሆኑ ይቆጨናል።

እኛ ኢትዮጵያዊያን ሳንበላ በጥጋብ እንድናገሳ፤ ደሳሳ ጎጆዓችን እየፈረሰ “ልማት መጣ” እያልን እንድንጨፍር፤ በጨለማ እየኖርን ለግድብ መዋጮ የምንገፈግፍ ምስኪኖች ሆነናል።

ግንቦት 7: የፍትህ፣ የነፃነትና የዲሞክራሲ ንቅናቄ ወያኔ በድህነታችን ላይ መጫወቱ መቆም አለበት ይላል። ግንቦት 7: “መሮናል፤ ከፍቶናል። ወያኔን ከነውሸቱ ልናወስግድ ተነስተናል። ለወያኔ የውሸት “ድህነት ቅነሳ” ጆሮዓችንን አንስጥ። ይልቁንም ወያኔን አስወግደን የመልማት እድላችንን በእጃችን እናስገባ፤ ኃላፊነት የሚሰማው መንግሥት ሲኖር ደግሞ የውሸት ሳይሆን የእውነት እንደምንለማ ባለሙሉ ተስፋዎች ነን” ይላል።

ድል ለኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ!!

Inclusive Discourse: A Prelude to National Reconciliation

by Teklu Abate

To ensure the rule of law, freedom, and democratic governance in Ethiopia, the opposition mainly use two modes of struggle. What appears to be the dominant modus operandi is peaceful struggle, to which all the political parties operating in Ethiopia are required to subscribe. Armed struggle is preferred by other opposition parties/groups, whose scale of operation seems unclear to date. A limited number of groups claim to be eclectic in their approaches, vowing to use any means available to bring genuine change. The government of Ethiopia dubbed those groups that use the last two approaches as “terrorists” and hence, their physical presence is limited to the jungles and foreign capitals.

Teklu Abate

The relative effectiveness of each approach could not for sure be objectively judged. Nor is their extent of embrace by the Ethiopian people clear. Generally, one could argue that none of the approaches is effective in ushering real change. Two decades lapsed without any measurable change in the political milieu. Causes and reasons for the failure could of course transcend the boundaries of opposition parties; the ruling party, the Ethiopian people (both the Diaspora and those at home), and international pressures and maneuverings could be held accountable. In my previous paper entitled “Who retards political change in Ethiopia?” (available at http://tekluabate.blogspot.no/2012/11/who-retards-political-change-in-ethiopia.html), I tried to explain how and to what extent each entity unfavorably affected politics in Ethiopia during the last two decades.

One thing needs to be made clear. That the opposition are so far ineffective not simply because of the nature of the methods they used but mainly because of the extent of their (peaceful and armed) struggles. Struggles were not in match with the level of injustices made by the ruling party. Considering this state of affairs, we could not be able to see any meaningful changes in the times to come. And we are not going to see meaningful changes from the government either. The best one could do to avoid this ugly scenario might be to think what appears to be the unthinkable: to bring the polarized views of the government and the opposition to open, genuine, and rigorous self-scrutiny.
In this paper, it is argued that inclusive discourse, a systematic and sustained discussion of varying and contrasting ideologies, values, and/or opinions, could be entrusted to initiate, bring, and sustain real change in the way Ethiopia is being governed. This with a final goal of compromise, mutual understanding and then reconciliation. Although it is not new at the global level, it seems untried within the Ethiopian context. All the political changes that took place hitherto were either brought about by armed struggle (e.g. the collapse of the military rule), or by popular revolt (e.g. the demise of the imperial rule). Compared to other tried and tired approaches of the government and that of the opposition, inclusive discourse seems much more appealing to bring future peace and cohesion.

Discourse vs other approaches

Although one could use either peaceful or armed approach to bring change this time around, too, systematic, discourse-driven struggle is presumably far better or more effective for various reasons. One, discourse brings together contrasting views and encourages participants to finally make compromises. This would serve the interests of all parties and hence it liberates both the oppressed and the oppressors. Two, because oppressors will be equally liberated, they take part in nation re-building. Three, the possibility of future conflict and war could be none or little as all would consider the new system their own craft. Four, discourse damages neither human lives nor infrastructure. Five, because discourse formation has national, international, and global acceptance, the possibility of getting immense support in the process seems very high. Six, because of these five and other advantages, discourse could result in enhanced and sustained socio-economic and political transformations that could benefit all Ethiopians.
Stakeholders
Who will take part in discourse formation? One could be tempted to mention the government and opposition parties. I argue that all the contours of Ethiopian society should be adequately and fairly represented during the process. It is only this way that one could establish a system accepted by all all the times. We witness that trusting elites only to bring change does not work. To me, meaningful discourse should be conducted by the following entities.

• The government and the ruling party (although they are one and the same in Ethiopia)

• Opposition parties (at home and in the Diaspora that use peaceful as well as armed approaches)

• Representatives of all religions

• The youth

• NGOs

• Professional associations

• The Diaspora

• The media (both print and electronic as well as online)

• The intellectuals

• The elderly, and

All political prisoners
Moreover, regional and international organizations (e.g. the AU, the EU), foreign governments, and donors could be invited to witness and support the process.

The next logical question could be: who would coordinate the process? To me, both the government and opposition parties should not be the facilitators, as they are the major rivals in the political scene. A sort of an ad hoc committee membering noted and respected Ethiopians could be entrusted to lead the process. In a way, the committee could identify a) a complete list of participants, b) topics and methods for discussion, c) rules of conduct, and, d) expected outputs and outcomes. Their draft could be presented to all interested people for feedback and improvement. Because of the complex nature of the job, committee members should be self-less; mature emotionally, morally, and intellectually; free from past or present involvement in injustices of any sorts, and well-connected locally and globally. However, for members who would come from the peasantry and rural parts of Ethiopia, a different set of criteria (e.g. experience in traditional arbitration) could be used. As a group, the committee should be as agile, ambitious and perseverant as possible.

Approaches

There is no a single effective approach to the conduct of discourse. Depending on contextual factors and conditions, specific steps and trajectories could be identified and employed. To me, it could help to consider two stages of discourse. First, stakeholders could debate on a whole array of socio-economic, cultural, and political issues. Stakeholders at this stage are likely to 1) assume that only their position is correct, 2) come to the discourse only to win, 3) be defensive, 4) try to prove the other party wrong, 5) engage in finding flaws in the other party, and 6) generally critique their competing partner. This should be expected and tolerated and the committee should have strategies to prevent communication breakdown.

After sometime and using different techniques, it is crucial to advance to the next higher level of discourse- to make dialogues. At this stage, participants should a) assume that each party has his own version of life and living in Ethiopia, b) listen to understand, c) be ready to explore common grounds amidst differences, d) evaluate their own and others’ positions and weigh their national versus party/group significance. The process is expected to urge stakeholders to make compromises. These would in the end lead to common understanding and then reconciliation at the national Level.

Both print and electronic as well as online media could play a central role at debate and dialogue levels. Media, for instance, could invite people to participate in panel discussions on carefully chosen topics. They could also initiate and coordinate online discussions, by inviting writers/speakers from the opposition as well as the government sides. It could be vital to garner huge participation from Ethiopians living in different parts of the world. Following serious and series of discussions on a given thematic area, patterns and trends could be identified. As an example, the first round of discussions could focus on the relevance and significance of this line of struggle and if deemed important, how to proceed ahead. The selection of committee members and specific topics/issues for discourse could only follow this. Obviously, the process is going to be a hard ride.
Challenges


As solving grand national problems through discourse is almost non-customary to Ethiopian politics, trying to initiate one could face a multitude of challenges. Identifying possible sources of challenges is the first step to devise coping mechanisms. The following could be considered the major ones.

• The government might claim that it is already doing great job to the Ethiopian people (citing its statistics) and hence might not acknowledge the need for discourse

• The government might consider the effort as an ‘underground’ movement that aims to salvage the opposition by creating shortcuts to power

• The opposition might not have the readiness and interest to enter into discourse on account that the government does not understand this sort of language

• And/or the opposition, particularly those that take armed trajectory, might consider this proposal as a calculated covert move by pro-government entities to ‘soften’ opposition movement

• It might be a particular challenge to identify able and ready people who would facilitate/coordinate the process

• The general public might not take the issue seriously and might develop conspiracy theories to ‘explain’ it

• Some countries and groups that do not want to see strong Ethiopia might put hurdles on the way

Final remarks
The type of discourse described above emanates from the fundamental assumption that the general public is frustrated by the way the government and the opposition are doing politics. Each holding its own discourse behind closed doors as if they are talking about different countries. And hence inclusive discourse is proposed to be an alternative to bring change to politics in Ethiopia. Or, it could be used by parties and groups who already got their own mode of operation.

If systematically planned and conducted, inclusive discourse could bring sizable results. The least one could expect from this endeavor is leaving behind the idea and significance of holding arguments with people of diverse viewpoints and opinions. If this happens, it can be considered one major indication of our entry into the 21st Century.

በኮሚሽኑ መርማሪ ቡድን የምርመራ ሒደት ላይ ፍርድ ቤት ጥያቄ አቀረበ‹‹አቶ መላኩ ፈንታ የተሻለ ዕውቀትና ተሰሚነት አላቸው ተብሎ ይገመታል››

የኮሚሽኑ መርማሪ ቡድን

በከባድ የሙስና ወንጀል ተጠርጥረው በቁጥጥር ሥር በሚገኙት የኢትዮጵያ ገቢዎችና ጉምሩክ ባለሥልጣን ከፍተኛ ሹማምንት፣ ኃላፊዎች፣ ሠራተኞች፣ ነጋዴዎችና ግለሰቦች ላይ የሚደረገው ምርመራ እንዳልተጠናቀቀ በመግለጽ፣ ለስምንተኛ ጊዜ ተጨማሪ የ14 ቀናት እንዲፈቀድለት ለፍርድ ቤት ጥያቄ ባቀረበው የፌዴራል የሥነ ምግባርና የፀረ ሙስና ኮሚሽን መርማሪ ቡድን ላይ ፍርድ ቤቱ ጥያቄ አቀረበ፡፡

የኮሚሽኑ መርማሪ ቡድን ያቀረበውን ተጨማሪ የምርመራ ጊዜ ጥያቄ ተከትሎ በምርመራ ሒደቱ ላይ ጥያቄ ያቀረበው፣ የፌዴራል ከፍተኛ ፍርድ ቤት ሁለተኛ የወንጀል ችሎት ሐምሌ 22 ቀን 2005 ዓ.ም. የቀረበለትን የእነ አቶ መላኩ ፈንታና የእነ አቶ ገብረዋህድ ወልደጊዮርጊስ የምርመራ መዝገብን አይቶ ነው፡፡

መርማሪ ቡድኑ ባለፉት አሥር ቀናት በተጠርጣሪዎቹ ዙሪያ ያከናወናቸውን የሰዎች ምስክሮችን ቃል መቀበል (የ27 ሰዎች ቃል) መቀበሉን፣ የሰነድ ማስረጃዎችን መሰብሰቡን፣ የተወሰኑ ኩባንያዎችን የኦዲት ምርመራ ውጤት መቀበሉን፣ በመስክ የምርመራ ሥራ ከተሰማሩ የቡድኑ አጋሮች የምስክሮችን ቃልና የሰነድ ማስረጃዎችን መሰብሰቡን ለፍርድ ቤቱ አስረድቷል፡፡

የእያንዳንዱን ተመርማሪ የተሳትፎ ሁኔታ በመግለጽ ያከናወነውን የምርመራ ሒደት ከገለጸ በኋላ፣ ቡድኑ የቀረውን ምርመራም አስታውቋል፡፡ የቀሩትን የምርመራ ሒደቶች እንደገለጸው፣ በቦሌ ኤርፖርት በኮንትሮባንድ ሲገቡ የተያዙና የተለቀቁ ዕቃዎች፣ በፍራንኮ ቫሉታ በሕገወጥ መንገድ ስለገባ ሲሚንቶ፣ ኦዲት ያልተደረጉ ግን በመደረግ ላይ ያሉ ድርጅቶች፣ የታክስ ማጭበርበርና ዝቅ አድርጎ መገመት፣ ከጥቆማ አበል ጋር በተያያዘ፣ በቃሊቲ ጉምሩክ በሕገወጥ መንገድ የገቡ ዕቃዎች፣ ከሚሌ፣ ከድሬዳዋና ከሌሎች ቅርንጫፍ መሥሪያ ቤቶች ሰነዶችን ማሰባሰብና የምስክሮችን ቃል መቀበል (የ26 ምስክሮች ቃል) እንደሚቀረው በማብራራት ተጨማሪ የ14 ቀናት ጊዜ እንዲፈቀድለት ጠይቋል፡፡

ፍርድ ቤቱ ለመርማሪ ቡድኑ ያቀረበው ጥያቄ፣ ‹‹የኦዲት ሥራው በመጠናቀቅ ላይ እንደነበር ገልጻችኋል፡፡ ምን ላይ ደረሰ? ቀሩን ያላችኋቸውን ምስክሮች ቃል ለምን እስካሁን አልተቀበላችሁም? የመስክ የምርመራ ሥራ መጠናቀቁን ገልጻችሁ ነበር፡፡ አሁን ደግሞ እንደ አዲስ አቅርባችኋል፡፡ ምን ማለት ነው? የኦዲት ሥራ እስከ ሐምሌ 30 ቀን 2005 ዓ.ም. ድረስ እንደምታጠናቅቁ ገልጻችሁ ነበር፣ አሁን ደግሞ ለኦዲት ሥራ ማስረጃ እያሰባሰባችሁ መሆኑን ያሳያል፣ ምን ማለት ነው? የሰነድ ማስረጃ ለኦዲት ሥራ መሠረታዊና አስፈላጊ መሆኑ ግልጽ ነው፡፡ ኦዲት መርማሪዎቹ የሚፈልጉትን አቅርባችሁ ነው ሥራ የጀመሩት፡፡ በመሰብሰብ ላይ ነን ማለት ምን ማለት ነው?›› የሚል ነበር፡፡ ፍርድ ቤቱ ጥያቄውን ያነሳው የተጠርጣሪዎች ጠበቆች ተጨማሪ ጊዜ መጠየቁንና እንደ አዲስ የማስረጃ ሰነድ መሰብሰብ እንደሚቀረው መርማሪ ቡድኑ ያቀረበውን ጥያቄ በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ በመቃወማቸው ነው፡፡

መርማሪ ቡድኑ ከፍርድ ቤቱ ለቀረበለት ጥያቄ በሰጠው ምላሽ፣ ‹‹የኦዲት ሥራ የሚሠራው በአንድ መሥሪያ ቤት ተሰብስቦ በተቀመጠ ሰነድ ብቻ አይደለም፤›› ሲል፣ ፍርድ ቤቱ አስቁሞት ‹‹ፍርድ ቤቱ ይኼንን ያውቃል፤ ይረዳል፤ ለቀረበው ጥያቄ ብቻ ምላሽ ስጡ፤›› በማለት ሲያስቆመው ቡድኑ በጥያቄዎቹ ላይ ምላሽ መስጠቱን ቀጠለ፡፡

ቀሪ ሥራዎች አሉኝ ካላቸው ውስጥ በተከለከለ የፍራንኮ ቫሉታ ፈቃድ ሲሚንቶ ማስገባትን በሚመለከት፣ ካለፉት ስድስት ቀጠሮዎች ለየት ያለ ነገር መርማሪ ቡድኑ አቅርቧል፡፡ የነፃና ባሰፋ ትሬዲንግ ኩባንያዎች ባለቤት አቶ ነጋ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር በዋናነት የተጠረጠሩበት በተከለከለ የፍራንኮ ቫሉታ ፈቃድ ሲሚንቶ በማስገባታቸው የተመሠረተባቸው ክስ እንዲቋረጥ መደረጉን በሚመለከት፣ በስድስት ቀጠሮዎች ላይ የሰነድ ማሰባሰብ እንደቀረው መርማሪ ቡድኑ የገለጸ መሆኑ ቢታወስም፣ ሐምሌ 22 ቀን 2005 ዓ.ም. ያቀረበውና ቀሪ ምርመራ እንዳለው የገለጸው ቡድኑ፣ ሲሚንቶው ወደ አገር ውስጥ የገባው ለአዲስ አበባ ቤቶች ልማት ኮንስትራክሽን ጽሕፈት ቤት ቢሆንም፣ ሲሚንቶው ለጽሕፈት ቤቱ ሳይደርስ በሌላ ቦታ ለሽያጭ መዋሉን የሚያሳይ ሰነድ ለማግኘት ከጽሕፈት ቤቱ ጋር እየተነጋገረ መሆኑን አስረድቷል፡፡ 

የኦዲት ምርመራን በሚመለከት በፊት ካላቸው ሦስት ድርጅቶች በተጨማሪ ሁለት ድርጅቶች መኖራቸውን የገለጸው መርማሪ ቡድኑ፣ ኦዲተሮቹ እንደነገሩት ከሆነ እስከ ሐምሌ 30 ቀን 2005 ዓ.ም. ኦዲት ተደርጎ ሊጠናቀቅ እንደሚችል በመግለጽ፣ ሁኔታውን ከባለሙያዎቹ ለማረጋገጥ ፍርድ ቤቱ ኦዲተሮቹን ጠርቶ ሊያነጋግራቸው እንደሚችል ሐሳብ አቅርቧል፡፡ ሥራውን ከፍተኛ የሰው ኃይል በመመደብ ተረባርቦ እየሠራ መሆኑንም ቡድኑ ተናግሯል፡፡ የመስክ ሥራ ቢጠናቀቅም ከዋና መዝገብ ጋር ሲወራረስ የጎደለ ነገር በመኖሩ፣ ቀሪዎቹን ማስረጃዎች ለማምጣት መርማሪ ቡድን ወደ ሚሌ፣ ድሬዳዋና ሌሎች ቦታዎች መላኩንም አክሏል፡፡

የተጠርጣሪዎቹ ጠበቆች በጊዜ ቀጠሮው መራዘም ምክንያት የተሰላቹ በሚመስል ሁኔታ፣ ‹‹ምርመራው መቼ ነው የሚጠናቀቀው?›› በማለት ጠይቀው፣ ቢፒአር መሠራቱን ፍርድ ቤት፣ ፌዴራል ፖሊስ፣ አዲስ አበባ ፖሊስ ኮሚሽንና ማረሚያ ቤት አራቱ መሥሪያ ቤቶች በጋራ የተፈራረሙበት የምርመራ ጊዜ መወሰኑን ተናግረዋል፡፡ በመሆኑም ዝቅተኛ፣ መካከለኛና ከፍተኛ ተብሎ የምርመራ ጊዜ መቀመጡን ያስረዱት የአቶ እሸቱ ወልደ ሰማያት ጠበቃ፣ ከፍተኛው ሦስት ወራት መሆኑን በመጠቆም ደንበኛቸው ሦስት ወራት እየሞላቸው በመሆኑ ፍርድ ቤቱ ትዕዛዝ እንዲሰጥበት አሳስበዋል፡፡

ሁሉም ጠበቆች መርማሪ ቡድኑ የጠየቀውን ተጨማሪ የ14 ቀናት ጊዜ ተቃውመው፣ ደንበኞቻቸው ከእስር እንዲፈቱ ወይም የዋስትና መብታቸው ተጠብቆ በውጭ ሆነው ጉዳያቸውን እንዲከታተሉ ጠይቀዋል፡፡ የአቶ መላኩ ፈንታ ጠበቃ ባቀረቡት ተቃውሞ፣ አቶ መላኩ አሁን ባለሥልጣን አለመሆናቸውንና በቦታቸው ላይ ሌላ ሰው መሾሙን በመግለጽ፣ ሥልጣናቸውን በመመካት የሚያባብሉት፣ የሚያስፈራሩት ወይም የሚደብቁት ሰነድ እንደሌለ በመግለጽ፣ የዋስትና መብታቸው ተፈቅዶ እንዲፈቱ ጠይቀዋል፡፡

መርማሪ ቡድኑ ሁሉም ጠበቆች ያነሱትን የዋስትናና የይፈቱልንን ጥያቄ በመቃወምና ውድቅ እንዲደረግለት አመልክቶ፣ አቶ መላኩን በሚመለከት ባቀረበው ተቃውሞ፣ ‹‹አቶ መላኩ የተሻለ ዕውቀትና ተሰሚነት አላቸው ተብሎ ይታሰባል፤›› ካለ በኋላ፣ ቢወጡ በምስክሮችና በቀሪ ሰነድ አሰባሰብ ላይ ተፅዕኖ እንደሚፈጥሩ በማስረዳት፣ የዋስትና መብታቸው ውድቅ እንዲደረግ ጠይቋል፡፡ ተጨማሪ የምርመራ ጊዜ እንዲፈቀድለት በድጋሚ ጠይቋል፡፡

የግራ ቀኙን ክርክር ያደመጠው የፌዴራል ከፍተኛ ፍርድ ቤት ሁለተኛ የወንጀል ችሎት፣ ተጠርጣሪዎቹ ያቀረቡትን የመፈታትና የዋስትና ጥያቄ በማለፍ፣ መርማሪ ቡድኑ ከጠየቀው 14 ቀናት አሥሩን በመፍቀድ፣ ለነሐሴ 2 ቀን 2005 ዓ.ም. ቀጠሮ በመስጠት የዕለቱን ችሎት አብቅቷል፡፡ 

በሌላ የምርመራ መዝገብ ማለትም በእነ መሐመድ ኢሳ (6 ሰዎች) እና እነ ባሕሩ አብርሃ፣ እንዲሁም ይስሀቅ እንድሪስ (የመልካሙ እንድሪስ ወንድም) እና ሲሳይ ተሰማ (የአሸብር ተሰማ ወንድም) ሐምሌ 23 ቀን 2005 ዓ.ም. ቀርበው፣ በተጠርጣሪዎቹ ላይ መርማሪ ቡድኑ ያከናወናቸውንና የቀሩትን የምርመራ ሥራዎች ለችሎቱ ካቀረበ በኋላ፣ የ14 ቀናት ተጨማሪ የምርመራ ጊዜ ጠይቆባቸዋል፡፡

ተጠርጣሪዎቹም የመርማሪ ቡድኑን ጥያቄ በመቃወም የዋስትና መብታቸው እንዲከበርላቸው ጠይቀዋል፡፡ ግራ ቀኙን ያዳመጠው ፍርድ ቤት፣ የተጠርጣሪዎቹን የዋስትና መብት ጥያቄ በማለፍ ለመርማሪ ቡድኑ በእነ መሐመድ ኢሳ መዝገብና ባህሩ አብርሃ መዝገብ የተጠየቀውን የ14 ቀናት በማለፍ ስምንት ተጨማሪ ቀናት ፈቅዷል፡፡ እንዲሁም በይስሀቅ እንድሪስና ሲሳይ ተሰማ ላይ የስድስት ቀናት ተጨማሪ ጊዜ ፈቅዷል፡፡ 

ለቀዳማዊ ኃይለ ሥላሴ ሐውልት እንዲቆምላቸው ጥሪ ቀረበ

የአፍሪካ አንድነት ድርጅት (የአፍሪካ ኅብረት) መሥራች ለሆኑት ለቀዳማዊ ኃይለ ሥላሴ የመታሰቢያ ሐውልት እንዲቆምላቸው ተጠየቀ፡፡

ይህንን የጠየቁት የድርጅቱ/የኅብረቱ 50ኛ ዓመት ኢዮቤልዩ ክብረ በዓልን ለማክበርና መሥራቾች አባቶችን ለመዘከር ባለፈው ቅዳሜ በተካሄደው ውይይት ላይ ከተገኙ ተሳታፊዎች መካከል አንዳንዶቹ በሰጡት አስተያየት ነው፡፡

ከዛሬ ሃምሳ ዓመታት በፊት የድርጅቱ/ኅብረቱ መሥራች ስብሰባ በተካሄደበት አፍሪካ አዳራሽ ውስጥ በተከናወነው ውይይት ላይ የተገኙት እነዚሁ ተሳታፊዎች በሰጡት አስተያየት፣  ሐውልቱ መቆም ያለበት በአፍሪካ ኅብረት ቅጥር ግቢ፣ አለበለዚያም በደርግ ሥርዓት የሌኒን ሐውልት ቆሞበት በነበረው ሥፍራ ነው፡፡

ለሐውልቱም ግንባታ መንግሥትና መንግሥታዊ ያልሆኑ ድርጅቶች እንዲሁም በአገር ውስጥና በውጭ  የሚኖሩ ኢትዮጵያውያንና ትውልደ ኢትዮጵያውያን የበኩላቸውን አስተዋጽኦ እንዲያደርጉ አሳስበዋል፡፡ የበጐ ሥራቸውን ፈለግ ተከትሎ በመንቀሳቀስ ላይ ለሚገኘው ለቀዳማዊ ኃይለ ሥላሴ መታሰቢያ ማኅበርም የማቴሪያልና የገንዘብ ድጋፍ ከማድረግ ወደ ኋላ  እንደማይሉ አስታውቀዋል፡፡

ማኅበሩ ባዘጋጀው በዚሁ ስብሰባ የአፄ ኃይለ ሥላሴ መንግሥት ለአፍሪካ ነፃነት ትግልና ለአፍሪካ አንድነት ድርጅት ምሥረታ ባበረከተው ከፍተኛ አስተዋጽኦ ላይ ያተኮሩ ልዩ ልዩ ጥናታዊ ጽሑፎች በዘመኑ የሥራው ተካፋይ በነበሩና ታሪኩን በተመራመሩ ፈቃደኛ ሰዎች አማካይነት ቀርቧል፡፡ ጥናታዊ ጽሑፍ ካቀረቡትም መካከል የደቡብ አፍሪካ የቀድሞ ፕሬዚዳንት ታቦ ምቤኪ፣ ፕሮፌሰር አንድርያስ እሸቴ፣ አቶ ተሾመ ገብረ ማርያም፣ አምባሳደር ብርሃነ ደሬሳ፣ ወይዘሮ ሰሎሜ ታደሰና አቶ አብደላ መሐመድ ተጠቃሽ ናቸው፡፡

ፓናሊስቶቹ በየተራ ካቀረቡዋቸው ጽሑፎች ለመረዳት እንደተቻለው፣ ነፃ የወጡ የአፍሪካ አገሮች ካዛብላንካና ሞኖሮቪያ በተባሉ ሁለት ቡድኖች በተከፋፈሉብት ወቅት አገሮቹን ለማቀራረብና ወደ አንድነት እንዲመጡ ለማድረግ፣ የአፄ ኃይለ ሥላሴ መንግሥት ዲፕሎማሲያዊ  ጥበብ የተላበሰ ከፍተኛ ሚና ተጫውቷዋል፡፡

በቅኝ ግዛት ቀንበር ሲማቅቁ የነበሩ አገሮች ነፃነታቸውን እንዲቀዳጁ ለማድረግ የሚያስችል ግንባር ቀደም የሆነ እንቅስቃሴ በማድረግ፣ የነፃነት ታጋዮችን በማበረታታትና  በመደገፍና ለበርካታ አገሮች ወጣቶች ነፃ የትምህርት ዕድል  በመስጠት፣  ታሪክ የማይረሳውና ተወዳዳሪ የማይገኝለት አስተዋጽኦ ማበርከታቸው ተወስቷል፡፡

በተለይም ፕሬዝዳንት ታቦ ምቤኪ ቀዳማዊ ኃይለ ሥላሴና በወቅቱ የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትር የነበሩት ወጣቱ ከተማ ይፍሩ፣ የካዛብላንካና የሞኖሮቪያ ቡድኖችን በማሳመንና ለአፍሪካ አንድነት ድርጅት መመሥረት ምክንያት በሆነው የ1955 ዓ.ም የመሪዎች ጉባዔ ላይ እንዲሳተፉ በማድረግ የተጫወቱት ሚና ዝንት ዓለም ሲወሳ እንደሚኖር አስረድተዋል፡፡

በጉባዔው ወቅት አፄ ኃይለ ሥላሴ ጉባዔው የአፍሪካ አንድነት ድርጅትን ሳይመሠረትና የድርጅቱን ቻርተር ሳያፀድቅ መጠናቀቅ እንደሌለበት አጥብቀው ማሳሰባቸውን፣ ይህም ማሳሰቢያቸው የኋላ ኋላ ፍሬያማ ውጤት ማስገኘቱን ምቤኪ አስረድተዋል፡፡


የቀዳማዊ ኃይለ ሥላሴ መታሰቢያ ማኅበር የቦርድ ሊቀመንበር አቶ ናሁሰናይ አርዓያ፣ “ከማኅበሩ የትኩረት አቅጣጫዎች አንደኛው ወደ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የሚያስገባውን ፈተና እጅግ በጣም በላቀ ውጤት ያስመዘገቡና በቤተሰቦቻቸው ችግር ምክንያት የዩኒቨርሲቲ ትምህርት ለመቀጠል ለማይችሉ ወጣቶች የገንዘብ ድጐማ በመስጠት ማበረታታት ነው፡፡ በዚህም የተነሳ ከተመሠረተበት ጊዜ ጀምሮ እስካሁን ድረስ ከዘጠኝ ክልሎችና ከሁለት ከተማ አስተዳደሮች ለተወጣጡ 300 ተማሪዎች ወርኃዊ የገንዘብ ድጐማ አድርጓል፤” ብለዋል፡፡

ማገልገል ላይ ይገኛሉ፡፡ ከተመራቂዎቹም መካከል 69 በሕክምና፣  26 ደግሞ በምህንድስና የተመረቁ ናቸው፡፡  ማኅበሩ እጅግ በጣም ጐበዝና እጅግ በጣም ችግረኛ ለሆኑ ወጣቶች የሚደጉመው ከግለሰቦችና ከአንዳንድ ድርጅቶች በዕርዳታ በሚያገኘው የገንዘብ ድጋፍ ነው፡፡ ማኅበሩ በድጐማ የተወሰነው ሙሉ ድጋፍ የማድረግ አቅም ስለሌለው ነው፡፡ በዚህም ውጤት አልረካም፡፡  በገቢ  ምንጭ እጦት ምክንያት ቀጣይነቱ አጠራጣሪ ነው፤” በማለት  የቦርዱ ሊቀመንበር አስረድተዋል፡፡

የቀዳማዊ ኃይለ ሥላሴ መታሰቢያ ማኅበር በአዋጅ ቁጥር 253/51 የተቋቋመው የቀዳማዊ ኃይለ ሥላሴ የበጐ አድራጐት ድርጅት ተቀጽላ ነው፡፡ ሆኖም የደርግ መንግሥት የቀድሞውን ድርጅቱን አስወግዶ ሀብቱን በሙሉ ስለወረሰው ሥራው ሊቀጥል አልቻለም፡፡ ማኅበሩም በ1991 ዓ.ም የቀድሞውን ድርጅት መሰል ሥራ በከፊልም ቢሆን ለማከናወን የንጉሡ አድናቂዎችና አገር ወዳድ በሆኑ 24 ኢትዮጵያውያን መመሥረቱ ተገልጿል፡፡

“ላባዋን ሳይሆን ክንፏን!” ሀይሌን ሳይሆን-የሀይሌን አስተሣሰብ (በደረጀ ሃብተወልድ)

ከጥቂት ጊዜ በፊት፤ማለትም ሀይሌ ፕሬዚዳንት የመሆን ፍላጎት እንዳለው ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ ፍንጭ የሰጠ ሰሞን አንድ ጽሁፍ ጽፌ ነበር። የጽሁፉ ርዕስ ፦”ሀይሌ ፕሬዚዳንት እንዲሆን ስንት ጊዜ መሰደብ አለብን?” የሚል ነበር።ጽሁፉን ለድረ-ገጾች ለመላክ እያሰብኩ ሳለ- ለሀይሌ የነበረኝ ፍቅር ክፉኛ አዕምሮዬን ሞገተኝ። እናም ሳልልከው ተውኩት። እነሆ ከዓመታት በሁዋላ ሀይሌ ወደ አቶ ግርማ ወንበር እየተንደረደረ እንደሆነ በስፋት እየተወራ መሆኑን ሳይ-ያን  ጽሁፍ ማውጣት ነበረብኝ የሚል ቁጭት ውስጥ ሳልገባ አልቀረሁም።ይሁንና ነገሩ አንዴ አልፏል።

 በጽሁፉ ከተጠቀሱት ነጥቦች መካከል፦ ሀይሌ በኢትዮጵያ ቴሌቪዥን ኔትወርክ ቀርቦ ከአርቲስትና አክቲቪስት ታማኝ በየነ ጋር ቃለ-ምልልስ ሲያደርግ ፦ “እህል ጠግቦ ላልበላው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ዲሞክራሲ ምን ያደርግለታል?” ማለቱ፣ ከሸራተን አካባቢ ለልማት ተብለው ከዘመናት ይዞታቸው በግዳጅ የተፈናቀሉ በዕድሜ የገፉ አባትና እናቶች በተወሰደባቸው እርምጃ ማልቀሳቸውን አስመልክቶ በኢቲቪ ለቀረበለት ጥያቄ፤ “…እነዚህ ዜጎች የተሻለ ቤት ይሰጣችሁዋል ሲባሉ ከድሪቷችን ጋር ነው የምንኖረው ማለታቸው አስገራሚ ነው” ብሎ አስተያየት መስጠቱ፣ መምህራን የደመወዝ ጥያቄ አንስተው ተቃውሞ ማቅረባቸውን- ከስንፍና ጋር አያይዞ መዝለፉ፣የትራንስፎርሜሽን እቅዱ ይፋ ሲሆን- ጉዳዩን በ 5000 እና 10000 ሜትር ሩጫ በማስላት እቅዱን ለማሳካት አምስት ዓመት ሲበዛ ነው ማለቱ ይገኙበታል።

 ሰሞኑን አንዳንድ የፌስቡክ ጓደኞቼ - እንደ ሀይሌ ያሉ ታዋቂና ስመ-ጥር ሰዎች ወደ ፖለቲካው በመግባት ተሳትፎ ቢያደርጉ ለውጥ ሊያመጡ ይችላሉ የሚል አስተያየት ሢሰጡ እየተመለከትኩ ነው። እነዚህን ጓደኞቼን ግራ ያጋባቸው ጉዳይ ሀይሌ ወደፖለቲካ መግባቱ ሳይሆን- በኢትዮጵያ መንግስታዊ አወቃቀር መሰረት ብዙም ሚና በሌለው የፕሬዚዳንትነት ወንበር ላይ ተቀምጦ ለውጥ አመጣለሁ ብሎ ማሰቡ ነው። በእርግጥ ታዋቂና ስመ-ጥር ሰዎች በፖለቲካው መስክ መሳተፋቸው የሚበረታታ ነው። ይሁንና ለኔ ሀይሌ እንደተመኘው ሹመት ቢያገኝ አገሪቱ የምትፈልገውን ለውጥ የማያመጣው ፤ “ፕሬዚዳንት” በመሆኑ ብቻ አይደለም።“ጠግቦ ላልበላ ህዝብ ዲሞክራሲ ምን ያደርግለታል?”ብለው የሚያስቡ እንደ ሀይሌ ያሉ ታዋቂ ሰዎች በማናቸውም ስልጣን ላይ ቢቀመጡም፤ ዕዳችንን ያከብዱትና ብስጭታችንን ያባብሱት ካልሆነ በስተቀር የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ የሚፈልገውን በጎ ለውጥ ሊያመጡ አይችሉም። በጎ ለውጥ የሚመጣው በ“ታዋቂነት” ሳይሆን በዕውቀት እንዲሀም በቅንና በብሩህ አመለካከት ነው።

 ስለሆነም …በተለይ …በተለይ…፦” ጠግቦ ላልበላ ህዝብ ዲሞክራሲ ምን ያደርግለታል?” የሚል አመለካከቱ አሁንም እንደዚያው ከሆነ(ካልተቀየረ) ፤ ሀይሌ ፕሬዚዳንቴ እንዲሆን ፈጽሞ አልፈልግም! የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ዲሞክራሲ ይገባዋል ብሎ እስካላመነ እና ይህን እምነቱን በይፋ እስካላሳወቀ ድረስ-ሀይሌ ፕሬዚዳንት ለመሆን የሚያደርገውን ሩጫ እቃወማለሁ!!

July 31, 2013

by Abebe Gellaw

Exactly a year ago, ESAT (Ethiopian Satellite Television) declared the death of Meles Zenawi. That was the most important breaking news in the last two decades. TPLF went into frenzy to bury the news under a barrage of counter-propaganda. Bereket Simon went on ETV to curse ESAT and reassure the nation that the “great leader” would return intact. The propaganda chief and his foot soldiers had already kept the local media extremely busy with so many bizarre stories.

The zeal to bury the truth was too evident to miss. But the spin and misinformation campaign got out of control beyond anyone could have imagined.  Addis Fortune, Addis Admas, Reporter, ETV, Walta…had all different versions of the same story. All of them said Meles was alive and kicking and was on his way back to his throne.

The lies were too fast to catch. Addis Admas, which has a bad habit of publishing fabrications, told us that Meles was working from the palace. Addis Fortune famously splashed its front page with a memorable headline: “Meles back in town.” But it was ESAT that accurately told the story that truly mattered. And then, Meles finally returned home in a coffin….It was a watershed moment for Ethiopia after the great demise of the late tyrant.

Frenzy attacks

After suffering for 21 years under the brutal grip and bouts of Meles Zenawi, Ethiopians had to witness a political melodrama.  The plot was twisted, the lies were sinister, the propaganda was shameless and the mass hysteria, carefully planned for weeks, was one of the worst in the world. Ethiopians were told to come out and shed their tears to bury the “great leader” who was feeding them lies, kicking, torturing and killing their children and nephews with tyrannical ruthlessness.

As the lead investigator to verify the death of the despot, I was focused on a leak from the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG). Despite conflicting rumors, it was the most compelling and verifiable information one could get about the death of the despot at St. Luc University Hospital in Brussels, Belgium.

A few hours after ESAT’s breaking news on July 30, 2012, I published the story online, which was deliberately titled, “Meles Zenawi is dead”. The TPLF camp launched more savage campaigns, death threats, defamation and saber rattling. Tigrai Online took the lead in the frenzy attacks.

‘Dilwonberu Nega’, a certain TPLF scribbler and apologist, doodled and scribbled a lengthy piece full of insults on Tigrai Online.  “So Abebe “The foolish heart” and the gang of cowboy journalists at ESAT came up with a ‘brilliant’ idea of hoodwinking the international community by concocting a “Breaking News” on the “death of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi…. ESAT’s future, as a result of its totally irresponsible act of concocting the death of Prime Minister Melees Sinai, is now vulnerable to a quick and painful death as people who have been contributing money to ESAT are bound to ask a justifiable question: Are they or Ethiopia getting value for their money? The answer is a big NO.”

While the foolhardy TPLF and its puppets are still confused and depressed, ESAT and the movements for change are gaining ground and building momentum. TPLF is still unsure of its future one year after the demise of the captain of the ship destined for a tragic wreck.

ICG’s report, “Ethiopia after Meles”, was written in July 2012 but the release had to be delayed until the official announcement. After exhaustive planning, TPLF decided to reveal its top secret that it could no longer keep. It admitted that the tyrant was dead on August 20, 2012, over five weeks after his demise. ICG released its analytic report the next day. We were vindicated again.

Cracking pyramid

ICG warned that the one-man regime, without its creator, could be unraveling sooner rather than later. “For more than two decades, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi managed Ethiopia’s political, ethnic and religious divides and adroitly kept the TFPL and EPRDF factions under tight control by concentrating power, gradually closing political space and stifling any dissent. His death poses serious risks to the ruling party’s tenure,” the report said.

ICG’s prediction was on target that reflects the current reality. “Deprived of its epicenter [Meles], the regime will find it very difficult to create a new centre of gravity. In the short-term, a TPLF-dominated transition will produce a weaker regime that probably will have to rely increasingly on repression to manage growing unrest.”

Meles Zenawi was supposed to last longer. In a 2002 article, “Ethiopia Proves There Can Be Life after Death,” British journalist Jonathan Dimbleby had even quoted him as saying: “Africa’s downfall has always been the cult of the personality. And their names always seem to begin with M. We’ve had Mobutu and Mengistu and I’m not going to add Meles to the list.” Meles, who built a personality cult still in place, envied lifetime dictators and wanted to outlive Mugabe, Mengistu or Mubarak.

The Meles regime was built like a pyramid to serve him. He had created a monolithic power structure. On top of the highly corrupted ethno-power pyramid sat the emperor himself followed by his most trusted lieutenants. At the very bottom of the pyramid, the masses shouldered the whole brunt and weight of the top-down tyranny. It was a system designed to crush and oppress the multitude at the very bottom of the pyramid.

The man on top of the pyramid is no longer there.  Now this system built to serve the strongman is cracking and unraveling slowly. The reasons are not complex. In reality, no one has replaced Meles Zenawi. No one has his power and privilege. No one has his skills to rule with brute decisiveness and Machiavellian tricks. Everyone assembled in the power structure is the tyrant’s loyalist. No one can hold the cracking pyramid as much as he did…. After all, Meles Zenawi was the supreme ruler, a kind of superglue that held together the complex ethno-political structure. Without the superglue, the pyramid cannot survive long enough.

Crown without sword

The pro-TPLF Ethiopian Reporter has recently admitted that Hailemariam Desalegn can only dream of succeeding Meles. It declared that the puppet has been given a crown without the sword.  Just a few weeks into power, we were told that Hailemariam was only part of a new “collective leadership” scheme. He was awarded three deputies, two figure heads and a real one. The Reporter grievingly repeated what every ordinary citizen has been saying all along. Hailemariam the puppet is just a pawn in the game.

So how can the ship facing internal and external pressures navigate itself out of storm without wrecking itself? The regime may implode or even explode without applying Zenaw’s Machiavellian calculus that sustained it for over two decades. The trouble is only Meles could have done it cunningly. That is why they are vowing to keep his “visions” alive. His photos hanging all over the walls, the dead tyrant’s ghost is more powerful than Hailemariam and the rest of the gang called the “cabinet”.

The man poised to play Meles, Debretsion Gebremichael, TPLF’s spymaster and pseudo-intellectual, has more leverages than the three TPLF puppets, i.e. Hailemariam, Muktar Kedir and Demeke Mekonnen, added together. He is among the privileged and entitled TPLF ruling elite. The three have no power base and leverages. They are outsiders. Unlike Debretsion, and the other TPLF bigwigs moving the system from behind the curtains, they only serve as bellboys whose main duties are to create the illusion of diversity and a semblance of power sharing within EPRDF’s cheap ethnic goulash.

Debretsion is “Deputy” Prime Minister in charge of economy and finance. He is the Deputy Chairman of the TPLF. He is Minister of Information and Communication Technology. He is board chairman of the EthioTelecom and the Ethiopia Electric Power Corp., both plagued by unbridled corruption. Most importantly, he controls the security apparatus.

With a bogus PhD from a controversial online university called Capella, Debretsion has significant leverages of power. The security apparatus directly reports to him instead of the “Prime Minister.” And yet, he lacks the charisma and leadership skills needed to hold such a highly monolithic system that has not yet been reconstructed after the demise of its undisputed architect. Even if he is in charge of the telecommunication service, those who know well say that Debretsion doesn’t have telephone skills let alone speaking like a ruler. As a spymaster cunningly eavesdropping the secrets of the other game players, he is widely feared but not trusted.

Bereket Simon, who played a key role in organizing the mass hysteria and creating the illusion of the “great leader”, was widely believed to be one of the contenders for power. As the propaganda chief, he was practically the most visible face of the regime. In a surprising move, he was banished into oblivion with a ministerial position without portfolio. Bereket is now Hailemariam’s policy ‘adviser’, researcher and archivist.  His lack of experience and expertise makes it apparent that he was just pushed to the backyard. Given the fact that Hailemariam the puppet has already special advisers well-trusted and liked by the TPLF, Bereket Simon will find it hard to fit into the army of advisers.

TPLF’s affairs

One of the worst case scenarios of a power struggle is that conspiracy becomes dangerously rife. The more conspiratorial the game players are, the more likely they tend to shoot at each other. So far the shootings are not out in the open but a sudden move by a player to dominate the rest can seriously disturb and unsettle the precarious regime still walking on eggshells. Whatever the case, the internal power struggle is mainly a TPLF affair. That doesn’t mean that the non-TPLFites would not be needed. Far from it, they are needed for the same purpose of diversity and loyalty to the major players.

Azeb Mesfin, the Amhara oddball in the TPLF, faces an uncertain future. Her power and privilege was totally based on her husband. Her recent bid to resurrect her fading clout by becoming the mayor of Addis Ababa failed miserably as she could not win the backing of TPLF’s kingmakers. TPLF’s ethnic business empire, EFFORT, is likely to slip out of her hand.

Although she seems to be determined to stay relevant, she is highly vulnerable. Many speculate that she could be surprised at some point with charges of corruption, a TPLF tactic used in times of great crises and power struggle. Her hope is pinned on the Meles Zenawi “foundation”. In her recent appearance on TV to talk about the bogus foundation and beg for money, it became apparent that she is becoming a lone wolf. She appeared incoherent, stressed-out and ill. All the symptoms are bad for the queen of Mega, mother of corruption—as some prefer to call her.

Sibehat Nega, TPLF’s veteran master of political intrigue, cannot be underestimated.  After all, he mentored Meles Zenawi under his bosom. He still holds enormous political clout and continues to pull strings from behind…There is also a group that continues to complain from Mekele. Meles Zenawi’s successor and heir apparent, as chairman of the TPLF, was supposed to be Abay Woldu, the President of Region One (now renamed Tigray Regional State). His group feels s overshadowed by those positioned in and around Arat Kilo, especially his ‘deputy’ Debretsion. Unless Abay Woldu gets a means of coming closer to the seat of power in Addis, he will remain a regional warlord with no credible leverage to lead TPLF’s domination on the rest of the nation.

The sleeping giant waking up

Slowly but surely the sleeping giant is waking up. The opposition is regrouping again. Dissidents are breaking the shackles of fear. For the first time after the tragedy of the 2005 crackdowns, Semayawi Party and UDJ are coming out with stronger and bolder messages.

There seems to be a healthy competition to make an impact and build a movement for change. Muslims Ethiopians continue to march for equality condemning TPLF’s tyranny at least every Friday. ESAT is providing a critical voice and filling the void in the airwaves of Ethiopia. There is no more silence and fear in Ethiopia. The voices of freedom are getting louder and bolder. And yet collaboration, more than competition, is still needed among all stakeholders.

Ethiopia remains restless and unpredictable. The opportunities that opposition groups need to seize on are too many. The missing link is visionary leadership with smart strategies….Opposition groups need to reinvent themselves and correct their mistakes and failures.

Whatever the case, change is on the horizon. The cracking pyramid left by tyrant cannot change withstand the internal and external pressures that can wreck it into pieces….The opportunities after the great demise of the tyrant are too many to count.

There are still some that expect the system to rot and fall down by itself. There are even those that wait for change to come from above. That is not the kind change Ethiopia needs. The revolution must be created and smartly dictated by those who are struggling to transform Ethiopia for the better.

Those who are saying that nothing has changed may not have good eyes for details. As Che Guevera said, “The revolution is not an apple that falls when it is ripe. You have to make it fall.” The regime is weak and divided. The socio-economic and political conditions, still dominated by the TPLF, provide fertile ground for a revolution. Divisions and bickering are still the major problems that revolutionaries and change-makers of Ethiopia must overcome to seize the moment….

As it is always the case, change is constant and inevitable. “When dictatorship is a fact, revolution becomes a right,” Victor Hugo once said. Nobody should wait for a revolution. With the right mindset, we are the ones who can make a revolution our destiny.

The Egyptian revolutionary Waem Ghonim is right: The power of the people is greater than the people in power. The demise of Meles was only the beginning of the end to TPLF’s apartheid system. Ethiopia’s next revolution is inevitable as long as the people realize their real power and unleash it against TPLF’s tyranny, inequality, discrimination and injustice.

ከቤንሻንጉል ተፈናቅለው ከነበሩት የአማራ ተወላጆች ከፍተኝ ድብደባ ተፈፀመባቸው

ከተደበደቡት ዘጠኝ ሰዎች መካከል ከፍተኛ ጉዳት የደረሰባቸው ሶስት ተጎጅዎች ወደ አማራ ክልል ቻግኒ ከተማ መጥተው በግል ክሊኒኮች እየታከሙ መሆናቸውን አስታማሚዎች የፍኖተ ነፃነት ምንጮች ከስፍራው ዘግበዋል፡፡

 ከፍተኛ ድብደባ ደርሶባቸው ቻግኒ ከተማ እየታከሙት የሚገኙት ግለሰቦች አቶ በለጠ መንግስቴ፣ አቶ ጥላሁን ገበየሁ፣ አቶ አቸነፍ ወንዴ የተባሉ ተፈናቃዮች ናቸው፡፡ በወረዳው ከ5200 በላይ ግለሰቦች መፈናቀላቸው የሚታወስ ሲሆን እስከአሁን ሁሉም ሙሉ በሙሉ ወደ ነበሩበት አልተመለሱም፡፡

 የሄዱትም በስበብ አስባቡ ችግር ላይ እንደሆኑ ለመረዳት ተችላል፡፡ የፍኖተ ነፃነት ምንጮች “ይህ ጊዜን እያሳለሰ የሚደረግ በአንድ ብሄር ላይ ብቻ ያነጣጠረ ጥቃት መንግስት በአስቸኳይ ማስቆም ካልቻለ አገሪቱንም ለከፋ ችግር ሊጋልጣት ይችላል፡፡”

 በማለት ስጋታቸውን ገልፀዋል፡፡ከተደበደቡት ዘጠኝ ሰዎች መካከል ከፍተኛ ጉዳት የደረሰባቸው ሶስት ተጎጅዎች ወደ አማራ ክልል ቻግኒ ከተማ መጥተው በግል ክሊኒኮች እየታከሙ መሆናቸውን አስታማሚዎች የፍኖተ ነፃነት ምንጮች ከስፍራው ዘግበዋል፡፡

 ከፍተኛ ድብደባ ደርሶባቸው ቻግኒ ከተማ እየታከሙት የሚገኙት ግለሰቦች አቶ በለጠ መንግስቴ፣ አቶ ጥላሁን ገበየሁ፣ አቶ አቸነፍ ወንዴ የተባሉ ተፈናቃዮች ናቸው፡፡ በወረዳው ከ5200 በላይ ግለሰቦች መፈናቀላቸው የሚታወስ ሲሆን እስከአሁን ሁሉም ሙሉ በሙሉ ወደ ነበሩበት አልተመለሱም፡፡ የሄዱትም በስበብ አስባቡ ችግር ላይ እንደሆኑ ለመረዳት ተችላል፡፡ የፍኖተ ነፃነት ምንጮች “ይህ ጊዜን እያሳለሰ የሚደረግ በአንድ ብሄር ላይ ብቻ ያነጣጠረ ጥቃት መንግስት በአስቸኳይ ማስቆም ካልቻለ አገሪቱንም ለከፋ ችግር ሊጋልጣት ይችላል፡፡” በማለት ስጋታቸውን ገልፀዋል፡፡

የአንድነት ከፍተኛ አመራር የህይወት ታሪክ እንዳይነበብ የቤተክርስቲያኗ አስተዳዳሪዎች ከለከሉ

July 31, 2013

 

ፍኖተ ነፃነት

የአንድነት ፓርቲ ብሔራዊ ም/ቤት አባል የነበሩት አቶ ግርማ ወ/ሰንበት የቀብር ስነስርዓት ላይ የህይወት ታሪካቸው እንዳይነበብ የፈለገህይወት አቡነ ገ/መንፈስቅዱስ ቤ/ክ አስተዳደር ከለከለ፡፡

ዛሬ ሐምሌ 23 ቀን 2005 ዓ.ም ከቀኑ 6 ሰዓት የአንድነት ፓርቲ ስራ አስፈፃሚ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች እንዲሁም ወዳጅ ዘመድ ወዳጅ በተገኘበት የቀብር ስነስርዓታቸው ተፈፅሟል፡፡ የቀብር ስነስርዓታቸው ላይ የህይወት ታሪካቸውን የአንድነት ፓርቲ አመራሮች ለማንበብ ሲዘጋጁ የሳሪስ ፈለገ ህይወት አቡነ ገብረመንፈስ ቅዱስ ገዳም አስተዳዳሪዎች ከልክለዋል፡፡

አስተዳዳሪዎቹ የሰጡት ምክንያት አቶ ግርማ የህይወት ታሪካቸው እንዳይነበብ ተናዘዋል የሚል የሐሰት መረጃ የህይወት ታሪካቸው እንዳይነበብ ከመከልከል አልፈው የፖለቲካ ተሳትፏቸው የሌለበትን የህይወት ታሪክ እንዲነበብ አድርገዋል፡፡
በሁኔታው ቅር የተሰኙት የአንድነት ፓርቲ አመራሮች ይህንን ህገወጥ ድርጊት መሆኑን በመግለፅ የአቶ ግርማ የህይወት ታሪክ ከቀብር ስነስርዓት በኋላ በዛው በቤተክርስቲያና አውደምህረት ላይ በአንድነት ፓርቲ የብሔራዊ ምክር ቤት ሰብሳቢ አቶ ዘካሪያስ የማነብርሃን ተነቧል፡፡

Building Democratic Institutions on the grave of Woyane is the way forward

July 31, 2013

Woyane can no longer lie, jail, torture, kill, extort and rob its stay in power. And, Ethiopians can no longer continue to protest as hyphenated victims and extend the life of the regime. Whether we like it or not the solution is a united democratic front that will bring down tyranny on its knees. Civic societies and the independent Medias’ concerted effort to help build democratic institutions and follow-up on the criminal operatives of the ruling regime will go a long way to bring down tyranny for a lasting freedom and democratic rule.

by Teshome Debalke

From the outset it is worrying to see there are some people that still believe the self-declared minority ethnic regime can lie, jail, torture, kill, extorts and rob its stay in power. At this moment in history we shouldn’t be wasting our time arguing over what is obvious for one-and-all; the regime that pretends to be the government of Ethiopia is anything but a government. Call it mafia, mercenary, gang or simply a collection of warlords that divided the nation by ethnic territory; the chapter Woyane can be considered a government is closed and done with. What to do next with the ‘criminal enterprise’ is the question before Ethiopians?

Therefore, if there was disagreement among Ethiopians over the criminality of the ruling party we haven’t heard anyone, including the regime’s apologist claiming it is innocent of any of the crimes it is accused of committed. Nor we heard anyone calling for independent investigation to prove otherwise. In fact, the enormities of the crimes are so much so the regime and its apologist hoping against all hope is to cover-up the crimes and wishing some miracle to happen to prevent accountability and its demise. The apologists’ complete silence on the crimes of Woyane speaks louder than anything we can think of and validates their conspiracy to be part of the criminal enterprise.

On the other hand, Ethiopians can’t continue to protest as hyphenated victims our way out of ethnic tyranny.  Nor we can afford to claim we belong to our chosen hyphenated group or whatever Woyane designated for us and expect to be free from hyphenated ethnic tyranny. We defiantly can’t wish to bring about democratic rule as hyphenated Ethiopians.  As much as Woyane is stuck in its hyphenated ethnic criminality we can’t afford to be stuck as hyphenated victims and open more doors for the ‘minority’ regime and opportunists. It would be wise to understand; there is no hyphenated freedom or democracy but freedom and democracy period.

Therefore, until we join the democratic movement as united Ethiopians and begin building the necessary democratic institution we will be catering for tyranny without even knowing it. We must be part of the movement that wouldn’t settle for anything less than democratic rule. Otherwise, we will continue to go in circle with hyphenated ethnic tyranny or self appointed hyphenated opportunist to nowhere.

For example, we should look at the persistent movement of our people of the Muslim faith as part of the democratic struggle not as hyphenated (religious) freedom but freedom period. And, there should be no negotiation with tyranny on freedom but demand its surrender for the rule of law; as the movement repeatedly and without ambiguity has been communicating to the world. Nor we should open the door for tyranny and opportunists by hyphenating the struggle as we witnesses when scavengers want to take advantage of the movement.

Unity and ethnic tyranny

Historically, Unity has always been a nightmare and division a currency for tyranny.  No one entity proved to the truthiness of that reality than the self-declared minority ethnic ruling party of Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF). The regime has a vested interest against Unity to remain relevant and sustain its illegitimate rule when it came up with the formula of Ethnic Federalism to sustain rule as long as it can. If anyone cares to observe, Woyane or any other political force that present itself as hyphenated Ethiopian or non Ethiopian only currency is anti unity thus, anti democracy.

There is a big difference between demanding our rights as hyphenated victims of tyranny or as united democratic force. The former guarantee us to bargain our freedom the later empower us to demand the surrender of tyranny to achieve our long awaited freedom. The sooner we understand the difference and begin uniting to build democratic institutions the sooner we the people will be free from the institution of tyranny period.   Until then, we will be negotiating with tyranny in one form or another for the foreseeable future to nowhere.

Building democratic institutions on the ashes of tyranny

Often we confuse hyphenated political parties and interest groups with the democratic movements, to the contrary. The very hyphenation of the struggle contradicts democracy to the benefit of tyranny and undemocratic forces. Historically, no hyphenated political parties or groups contributed anything worthy in building democratic institutions. Therefore, it isn’t wise to relay on hyphenated political parties and interest groups to advance the cause of the democratic struggle or to build the necessary democratic institutions. In fact, it is not in the interest of hyphenated political parties or interest groups to build democratic institution but to take power or negotiate their ‘interest’ from the power to be.

Democracy is building democratic institutions to be governed by the rule of law, noting more to it. It is the primary job of independent civic societies and Medias that have no interest in the outcome beyond instituting the rule of laws. As the pillars of democracy with no interest to negotiate the public interest for petty interest they demand all parties to submit for the rule of law. Without civic institutions and the Media there is no freedom or democracy but tyranny.

The cost of the absence of civic society and the elites

The unwillingness of Ethiopian elites to form viable and independent civic institutions and Medias in all sectors to help advance the democratic movement left the field wide open for opportunist and kept the people of Ethiopia victims of the adventure of tyranny and all kinds of interest groups.
More need to be said and done with our contemporary intellectual elites in general and ethnic elites that surrender their soul for ethnic tyranny on the expenses of freedom and democracy.  Therefore, they became hazard for society surrendering for interest groups and pimping for ethnic tyranny at the expenses.

To illustrate how the people of Ethiopia are left under the mercy of ethnic tyranny the ethnic elites in public institution tells half the story. In another hand, the rest of the elites’ complicity or conspiracy not to establish civic institutions and independent Medias to free public institutions from the stranglehold of ethnic tyranny tells the other side of the story.

After 17 years of the brutal rule of the Derg regime and 22 years of the atrocious and corrupt rule of Woyane regime we are still struggling to setup viable civic institutions and Medias to challenge an atrocious and corrupt rule of tyranny or interest groups of all kinds.  Thus, there remain unprecedented crimes being committed against Ethiopians where no one take responsibility or faced justice yet.

Therefore, once again the best the ruling tyranny and its apologist can come up with isn’t the innocence of the regime but claiming it is the lesser evil than the previous and the future alternatives. In fact, Woyane goes as far back in history to dig dirt on others to justify its crime now and manufacture accusation against the present alternatives.  Unfortunately, absence of civic institutions and Medias allowed Woyane bank on is pointing figure on others to remain in power and escape responsibility for long list of its crimes.

Behind the irrational mindset of the present ethnic tyranny and its crimes against the people of Ethiopia there are untold story of building Ethnic Empire out of the ashes of Ethiopia. In that regard, the self declared Tigray elites are the instrument of the grand crimes and as much responsible as the offending regime itself. As tragic as it is some of the ethnic elites that make a living on the blood of Ethiopians aren’t ashamed to show their face in public to divert the people’s attention from the criminality of their regime.   In fact, they honestly believe they can outsmart and outwit Ethiopians doing the bidding of ethnic tyranny.

The Moral bankruptcy of the Woyane elites and the apathy of the rest

Much has been said about the moral bankruptcy of the Woyane’s elites. But, what is unique about their behavior one can’t rationalize is their conspiracy to lend a hand the organized criminality of Woyane in laundering public money on the back of poor Ethiopians. Their moral compass is way off to the point of reducing themselves as common criminals than rational and honest citizens that would reject criminality to protect the public from corrupt ethnic tyranny.

What could possibly go wrong to rationalize their behavior is the raging debate among Ethiopian across the world. Absence of explanation collective insanity as syndicates of organized crime became the consensus.  The collective silence of seeing the criminal enterprises of Woyane going amok, better yet the elaborate cover-up isn’t a small matter to be ignore.  Again, sadly to say- faced with overwhelming evidence; they continued to consider the criminality of the regime and their part in it as progress and innovation with elaborate cover up and diversion.

At the same time, one thing we Ethiopians collectively are weak is catching thieves. When it comes to the grand theft of all time, beyond talking about it behind close doors we couldn’t do much about it. It is partly because we failed to organize to follow up on the crimes and continue to be distracted by Woyane.

Take the Abay Bond sale Woyane instigate to pick our pockets and divert us from the struggle. Not a single civic institution exist to follow up the bond sale, where and through who the money is handled, who may be the beneficiary of the expenditures, the legal bases the bond is sold, and contract is awarded, responsible parties to oversee the project expenditure and implementation…

Likewise, as we speak there is there is no a single institution dedicated to dismantle the criminal network of Woyane and catch the thieves to face justice and recover the stolen money. And, surprisingly most of the ring leaders that facilitate the criminal network of Woyane operate out of Western countries where 100s of thousands of Ethiopians in Diaspora reside.  More amazing is there are 100s of Ethiopians trained in various fields that couldn’t be able to put together institutions in every sector to follow-up on the activities of the regime’s operatives.

After two decade of criminality of the most sophisticated corrupt system of robbery and entitlement ever device the best the ethnic elites that congregated around Woyane can tell us is roads and dams are being built to compensate for its criminality. On the other hand, the best the rest of Ethiopians can do is protest the crimes instead of proactively dismantle the networks of the criminal enterprises. As sad as it sounds on both sides, the good news is average Ethiopians are beginning to say no more we can seat and watch the crime of Woyane and the do-noting elites of our time.

Once again, failure to establish civic institutions in all sectors open the door for Woyane to run amok on the expenses of the people of Ethiopia.

Parliament Verses the money laundering system (Revolutionary Democracy and Development State)
Legitimizing criminality is the standard way of doing business for every tyranny that lived on the face of earth. But, ethnic tyranny with an ambition of ethnic empire building with stolen public money gets nastier and dangerously complicate matters further. When Woyane declared itself a minority ethnic tyranny against the majority it signed its own death wish and forced its ethnic associates no place to go but stick with the regime as designed by the mastermind of Ethnic Federalism.

For sure, no genuine Ethiopian would design such a system and live to see it unless s/he is doing the bidding of foreign entity. Nor, a rational human being reduces her/him-self to associate with a corrupt ethnic tyranny and claim it can be trustworthy in the public affairs. Therefore, all the bluff we see and hear coming out of Woyane and its apologist doesn’t worth the paper it is written on.

To understand Woyane the drama in the front Parliament (Revolutionary Democracy) and the money laundering scheme (Developmental State) backed by the propaganda machine (Government Communication Affair Office) faking legitimacy is sufficient to figure out the entire scum. Why we look elsewhere to chase the ‘goose’ is as puzzling as asking Woyane to restrain from killing and robbing the people of Ethiopia. After all, how else ethnic tyrannies suppose to survive but to kill and robe?

Therefore, the front Parliament where Woyane justify its political legitimacy, the money laundering it devised to finance its criminality in the name of development and the propaganda machine that covers up the crimes is where it began and will ends. If there is one place every Ethiopian should look to do something about tyranny that is where it should be. The rest are simply supporting the three institutions of political illegitimacy, robbery and cover-up or to use the buzz words of Woyane; Revolutionary Democracy, Development State and Government Communication Affairs.  Indecently, there is no a single civic institution to follow up governance, corruption and propaganda.

The drama played between the seating duck Parliament (http://www.hofethiopia.gov.et/web/guest) and the money laundering center where Woyane have a complete stranglehold on the economy led by Wogagen Bank, (http://www.wogagenbank.com) are run by TPLF’s operatives in North America where the whole thing is cooked and served for the people of Ethiopia by the Government Communication Affair Office (Woyane propaganda machine) while everybody is looking elsewhere.

The collection of dummies that filled the House of Parliament to legitimize TPLF rule and robbery no more than what they are paid to perform as designed. None of them understand what legitimacy means and their legal responsibility to the people if they are fed in the mouth.  Nor they understand their conspiracy to commit crimes on the people of Ethiopia. Likewise, the collection of corrupt operatives paused as businessmen, civic society, association…are noting more than men empowered to take advantage of the people in partnership with ruling ethnic tyranny.

The future of the criminal enterprise of Woyane and Associates

There is no telling which direction the criminal enterprise of Woyane is going. But, like any criminal entity we can say with certainty it is going to continue its hide-and-seek game as long as it is allowed to fake legitimacy through the seating duck Parliament and laundering money through its Money Centers led by Wogagen Bank and backed by its propaganda machinery led by GCAO. Therefore, the one and only way Woyane could continue to survive is because of the three institutions it uses in a make-believe government and development.

Unless and until the seating duck Parliament led by armed TPLF agents behind the seen is put out of commission along the front puppet parties rendered useless it will continue its trickery for the foreseeable future. Therefore, when the armed assassins forced they can no longer play hide-and seek and close down the fake parliament to declare the self declared minority ethnic tyranny is in charge of the government the drama of ‘legitimacy’ will continue.

At the mean time, unless and until the money laundering scheme that finance the fake Developmental State run by TPLF operatives and led by Wogagen Bank (EFFORT owned) render useless it will continue channeling public money to legitimize TPLF robbery and corruption for the foreseeable future.  Therefore, until the ‘armed agents’ that guard the economic of corruption are forced they no longer can play hide-and-seek to close down the fake money centers to  declare the self declared the minority ethnic tyranny is in charge of the economy; running racketeering the fake Development State and the drama of Growth and Transformation will continue.

Finally, unless and until the propaganda machine that propagates falsehood led by the Government Communication Affair Office is render useless it will continue pushing propaganda of political and development legitimacy. Therefore, until‘ the TPLF operatives’ that put out propaganda all these years forced they no longer play hide-and-seek to close down the fake Media toy declare the self- declare minority regime is in charge of the flow of information and the Media, the drama of free press will contnue.   In that regard, the good news is Ethiopian Satellite Television/radio (ESAT) rendered the propaganda machine of Woyane useless to earn it the # 1 enemy of ethnic tyranny.


With all the above drama played on the lives and freedom of Ethiopians Woyane is frantically going back-and-forth between its fake political legitimacy and fake economic development backed up by fake Medias disseminating fake information. The stars of the drama are Kassa Teklebrhan G/Hiwot Speaker of the House of Federation representing the fake Parliament, Araya G/Egizhaber, CEO of Wogagen Bank representing the financial center and Berket Simon, representing the fake Government Communication Affair.

Note: According to Addis Fortune the President of Wogagen Bank salary is 20,000 Birr/ Month, an equivalent of about 1000 US dollar. Like the late Prime Minster salary, TPLF propaganda machine is at work in the make-believe legitimacy of TPLF operatives as regular citizens making an honest living.  The same propaganda outlet wouldn’t dare to touch the legitimacy of TPLF running a ‘privet’ bank or any other businesses while it is the sole party that make policy, control the means of production, the security force, the public enterprises…

What Ethiopians can do to put the institutions of ethnic tyranny out of commission?

Understandably, the Woyane ethnic tyranny does what it does to extend its rule and robbery. But, no one can explain why many of ‘oppositions’ follow its leads to do the same.  The fact no one raise the issue of defining what ‘opposition’ means vis-à-vis freedom and democracy is saddening. In reality, we can observe no more than half a dozen parties out of the 100s in existence raise the issue of democracy and rule of law to qualify as oppositions let alone to advance the struggle for freedom and democracy. The most they have been doing was detract Ethiopians from focusing on the important issue of freedom and democracy.

At the meantime, absence of independent civic institutions and Medias to evaluate political parties and civic institutions on the issue of freedom and democracy left the field wide open for ruling ethnic tyranny and opportunists posing as one interest group or another to take advantage of the vacuum. The day has come independent civic institutions and Medias to demand one and  all to be transparent with the public. Just having a website doesn’t qualify one to be a political party and civic organization until it present itself to the public its program and the credential of its leasers and how they advance freedom and democracy of Ethiopians.

The solution to freedom isn’t more political parties but more independent civic institutions to evaluate one and all parties on behalf of the people of Ethiopia.  The day Ethiopians collectively demand building democratic institutions is more important than more hyphenated groups and political parties will be the day tyranny will end and opportunist will run for dear life and freedom and democracy will be the rule.

We can no longer hide behind the ruling tyranny from doing what is proven to end tyranny and opportunism.

Note: The domain name of Wogagen Bank is registered by Infinite Dimensions Software Development PLC with local server it runs (Habisha.com) and IDSD also administer the Bank’s website. The domain was registered by Yemisraknesh Solomon. The same person is associated with additional 23 domain name, according to Webboar. The same outfit also administers the government owned Ethiopian Radio an Television Agency, according to Network Solution. The local server habisha.com run by IDSD is believed to be run by TPLF operatives in North America that administer many of the Ethiopian government’s Ministries and Agencies websites.   

Ethiopia Ranked 2nd: 10 Poorest Countries in The World

July 30, 2013

The African Economist

You probably heard that Ethiopia has been a fast growing economy in the content recording very high growth rate not just in Africa but the world as well. Yet the new measurement known as the Multidimensional Poverty Index, or MPI, that will replace the Human Poverty index in the United Nations’ annual Human Development Report says that Ethiopia has the second highest percentage of people who are MPI poor in the world, with only the west African nation of Niger fairing worse. This comes as more international analysts have also began to question the accuracy of the Meles government’s double digit economic growth claims and similar disputed government statistics referred by institutions like the IMF.

1. Niger
2. Ethiopia
3. Mali
4. Burkina Faso
5. Burundi
6. Somalia
7. Central African Republic
8. Liberia
9. Guinea
10. Sierra Leone

What is the MPI?

People living in poverty are affected by more than just income. The Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) complements a traditional focus on income to reflect the deprivations that a poor person faces all at once with respect to education, health and living standard. It assesses poverty at the individual level, with poor persons being those who are multiply deprived, and the extent of their poverty being measured by the range of their deprivations.

The MPI can be used to create a vivid picture of people living in poverty, both across countries, regions and the world and within countries by ethnic group, urban/rural location, or other key household characteristics. It is the first international measure of its kind, and offers an essential complement to income poverty measures because it measures deprivations directly. The MPI can be used as an analytical tool to identify the most vulnerable people, show aspects in which they are deprived and help to reveal the interconnections among deprivations.

Why is the MPI useful?

According to the UNDP report, the MPI is a high resolution lens on poverty – it shows the nature of poverty better than income alone. Knowing not just who is poor but how they are poor is essential for effective human development programs and policies. This straightforward yet rigorous index allows governments and other policymakers to understand the various sources of poverty for a region,

 population group, or nation and target their human development plans accordingly. The index can also be used to show shifts in the composition of poverty over time so that progress, or the lack of it, can be monitored.

The MPI goes beyond previous international measures of poverty to:

• Show all the deprivations that impact someone’s life at the same time – so it can inform a holistic response.
• Identify the poorest people. Such information is vital to target people living in poverty so they benefit from key interventions.
• Show which deprivations are most common in different regions and among different groups, so that resources can be allocated and policies designed to address their particular needs.
• Reflect the results of effective policy interventions quickly. Because the MPI measures outcomes directly, it will immediately reflect changes such as school enrolment, whereas it can take time for this to affect income.

የሰቆጣ ከተማ ወጣቶች “ችግራችን በዝቷል ነጻነት እንፈልጋለን” አሉ

ሐምሌ ፳፫(ሃያ ሦስት)ቀን ፳፻፭ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና :- ባለፈው ቅዳሜ ከላሊበላ ሰቆጣ ይሰራል ተብሎ የነበረው መንገድ ባለመሰራቱ የተበሳጩት   የከተማዋ ነዋሪዎች በራሳቸው አነሳሽነት የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ያደረጉ ሲሆን፣ ወጣቶቹ አጋጣሚውን በመጠቀም ” ነጻነት እንፈልጋለን፣ እኛ ወታቶች ብዙ ችገሮች አሉብን፣  ሰቆጣ መብት የለም፣ ብልጭጭልታ የእድገት ምልክት አይደለም፣ እድገት የለም፣ መንገድ ላሳ ህዝብ መንገድ ሊከለከል አይገባውም፣ ልማት በተግባር እንጅ በውሬ አይደለም፣ ዋግ ለጦርነት ብቻ ሳይሆን ለልማትም ዝግጁ ናት፣ ዋግ ውስጥ ለውጥ የለም፣ መንገዳችን ልንነጠቅ አይገባም፣ የህዝብ ድምጽ አይጣስም የሚሉትን እና ሌሎችንም መፈክሮች አሰምተዋል  ፡፡

የከተማው ምክትል ከንቲባ ወጣቶቹ የሚያሰሙዋቸውን መፈክሮች እንዲያቆሙና ጥያቄአቸውን እንዲያቀርቡ በጠየቁት መሰረት አንድ የህዝቡ ተወካይ የህዝቡን ጥያቄ በንባብ አሰምቷል ፡፡

ከህዝብ ለተነሳው ጥያቄ ምክትል አስተዳዳሪው መንግስት የገንዘብ ጥረት ስላጋጠመው ፕሮጅቱን ለመሰረዝ መገደዱን ሲናገሩ ህዝቡ ተቃሟቸዋል ፡፡

ምክትል ከንቲባው ጥያቄያቸውን ለበላይ አካል እንደሚያቀርቡ ቢገልጹም ህዝቡ ግን ሳይቀበለው ቀርቷል።

በጉዳዩ የተበሳጩ የሚመስሉት የኢህአዴግ ደጋፊዎች የህዝቡ ጥያቄ ነው በማለት ሌላ ጥያቄ ይዘው ቀርበው ነበር። የኢህአዴግ ደጋፊዎች ” በመለስ ራእይ በርካታ የልማት ስራዎች መሰረታቸውን እና እነዚህ ልማቶች በጸረ ሰላም ሀይሎች እንዳይደናቀፉብን” የሚል ንግግር ሲጀምሩ ህዝቡ በድጋሜ ተቃውሞውን አሰምቷል ፡፡ በመጨረሻ ግን የኢህአዴግ ደጋፊዎችም የህዝቡን ጥያቄ ደግፈው በመቆመቻው ድጋፍ አግኝተዋል የኢህአዴግ ደጋፊው ንግግራቸውን ካቀረቡ በሁዋላ ህዝቡ በሰላም ወደ መጣበት እንዲመለስ ሲታዘዝ አንዳንድ ወጣቶች ተቃውሞአቸውን ገልጸዋል ።

በሰልፉ እለት ገዢው ፓርቲ ደጋፊዎች ሰልፈኞቹ የአቶ መለስን ፎቶ ግራፍ እንዲይዙ እና ኢህአዴግን የሚደግፉ መፈክሮችን እንዲያሰሙ ከፍተኛ ጥረት ሲያደርጉ እንደነበር በስፍራው ነበሩ ወጣቶች ገልጸዋል።

ይሁን እንጅ አብዛኞቹ ወጣቶቹ የኢህአዴግ ካድሬዎች የሚነግሩዋቸውን መፈክሮች በመተው የራሳቸውን መፈክሮች ሲያቀርቡ፣ ካድሬዎቹም ምንም አይነት ግጭት ሳይፈጥሩ ወጣቶቹ ስሜታቸውን እንዲገልጹ ፈቅደውላቸዋል።
ለእረፍት የመጡ የዩኒቨርስቲ ተማሪዎች መሮናል ለውጥ እንፈልጋለን የሚሉ መፈክሮችን ሲያሰሙ እንደነበር በስፍራው ነበረ አንድ ታዛቢ ገልጿል።
“ህዝቡ መሮታል፣ ይ
ህ መንገድ ቶሎ ካልተሰራ ” ችግር የሚፈጠር ይመስለኛል ሲል ታዛቢው አክሎ ገልጿል።
በቅርቡ የጎንደር ከተማ ቀበሌና 6 እና 7 ነዋሪዎች ተመሳሳይ የልማት ጥያቄዎችን በማንሳት በራሳቸው አነሳሽነት ሰልፍ ማድረጋቸው ይታወቃል።